Table of Contents

  1. The Florida Land Trust
  2. Martin County Case - when counties don't follow their own land use plan
  3. Case Studies in Transferable Development Rights
  4. Department of Environmental Protection Application Forms
  5. University of Florida Web Resources for Urban Planning
  6. Federal Conservation Programs
  7. Agricultural Lands Retention Study
  8. Restoring the Urban Forest
  9. The Tree Ordinance Pasco Should Have
  10. Managing Space to Manage Growth 

The Florida Land Trust

The Florida Land Trust

The Florida Land Trust is an amazing device which offers numerous benefits to property owners. The two reasons it is not used by every investor are that few know much about it and those who know about it do not know where to obtain trust services at a reasonable cost.

Trusts in general go back many hundreds of years and today they offer even more benefits than they did when they were invented. The Florida land trust is a statutory form of the "Illinois-type" land trust which has been used for over a hundred years.

The most important benefits of the land trust are privacy and avoidance of probate. With a land trust, no one needs to know what real estate you own either during your life nor at your death, and by avoiding probate you avoid thousands of dollars in attorney fees and months delay in distribution of your property to your heirs.

By using a land trust with Land Trust Service Corporation as trustee, there will be no public record of your ownership of the real estate in the trust. The public records will list the corporation as trustee, and the tax bill will be sent to the trustee (who will forward it to you for payment). The property will be managed by you or by your agent. Income tax returns will be filed by you in the same way they would for property in your own name.

Over twenty other benefits of using a land trust are listed in the book, Land Trusts in Florida, which you should read if you are planning to use a land trust. Some of the most popular benefits are, keeping the sales price secret, keeping liens and judgments off the property, avoiding a spouse's forced share, and avoiding litigation.

The beneficiary of your trust can be you individually, a corporation, a limited liability company, a partnership or any other legal entity. If you are the beneficiary individually, you can name any other person or entity to immediately become successor beneficiary upon your death. If your company is the beneficiary, you can name a successor in your company papers.

Besides a beneficiary, you can have a director. For example, you can set up a trust in which your children are the beneficiaries (paying the taxes on income) but you are the director. As director you would make all the decisions regarding the property. If you loan someone money you can have them put their property in a land trust and make you the director. Then you could control the property until you were paid in full.

 

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Martin County Case - when counties don't follow their own land use plan

IN THE DISTRICT COURT OF APPEAL OF THE STATE OF FLORIDA

FOURTH DISTRICT JULY TERM 2001

PINECREST LAKES, INC.; and

VILLAS AT PINECREST LAKES

LIMITED PARTNERSHIP,

Appellants,

v.

KAREN SHIDEL,

Appellee.

CASE NO. 4D99-2641

Opinion filed September 26, 2001

Appeal from the Circuit Court for the

Nineteenth Judicial Circuit, Martin County; Larry

Schack, Judge; L.T. Case No. 96-126 CA.

Jack J. Aiello and Ernest A. Cox, III, of

Gunster, Yoakley, Valdes-Fauli & Stewart, P.A.,

West Palm Beach, for appellants.

Richard Grosso, General Counsel, Environmental

& Land Use Law Center, Fort Lauderdale, for

appellee.

Stephen H. Grimes and Lawrence E. Sellers, Jr.

of Holland & Knight, LLP., Tallahassee, for Amici

Curiae, National Association of Home Builders,

Florida Home Builders Association, Florida

Association of Realtors, and Association of Florida

Community Developers, Inc.

Michael L. Rosen, Tallahassee, for Amicus

Curiae, Florida Legal Foundation, Inc.

Terrell K. Arline, Legal Director, Tallahassee,

Thomas G. Pelham, Kenneth J. Goldberg and

Douglas W. Ackerman, Tallahassee, for Amici

Curiae, The Florida Chapter of the American

Planning Association, and 1000 Friends of Florida,

Inc.

CORRECTED OPINION

FARMER, J.

The ultimate issue raised in this case is

unprecedented in Florida. The question is whether

a trial court has the authority to order the complete

demolition and removal of several multi-story

buildings because the buildings are inconsistent

with the County’s comprehensive land use plan.

We conclude that the court is so empowered and

affirm the decision under review.

Some twenty years ago, a developer1 purchased

a 500-acre parcel of land in Martin County and set

out to develop it in phases. Development there is

governed by the Martin County Comprehensive

Plan (the Comprehensive Plan).2 Phase One of

the property was designated under the

Comprehensive Plan as “Residential Estate,”

meaning single-family homes on individual lots

with a maximum density of 2 units per acre

(UPA). The Comprehensive Plan provides that

“[w]here single family structures comprise the

dominant structure type within these areas, new

development of undeveloped abutting lands shall

1Originally the developer was Pinecrest Lakes, Inc.,

the entity which planned and built Phases One through

Ten. In 1997, when we reversed the first appeal in this

case for a trial de novo, the corporation transferred title

to Phase Ten to a limited partnership known as The

Villas at Pinecrest Lakes. The trial court substituted the

limited partnership for the corporation as the developer.

Consequently, when we use the term “developer” in

this opinion, we refer either to the corporation or the

limited partnership or both as the context requires.

2See § 163.3167(2), Fla. Stat. (2000) (“Each local

government shall prepare a comprehensive plan of the

type and in the manner set out in this act or shall

prepare amendments to its existing comprehensive plan

to conform it to the requirements of this part in the

manner set out in this part.”).

(2)

be required to include compatible structure types

of land immediately adjacent to existing single

family development.” [e.s.]

Phases One through Nine were developed as

single-family homes on individual lots in very low

densities.

The subject of this litigation, Phase Ten, is a 21-

acre parcel between Phase One and Jensen

Beach Boulevard, a divided highway designated

both as “major” and “arterial.” Phase Ten was

designated by the Comprehensive Plan as

“Medium Density Residential” with a maximum of

8 UPA. The developer sought approval of three

different site plans before finally erecting the

buildings that are the subject of this litigation. In

1988, the developer first sought approval for an

initial scheme of 3-story apartment buildings with

a density of just under 8 UPA. Karen Shidel,

since 1986 an owner of a single-family residence

in the adjoining area of Phase One, along with

other residents, opposed the project proposed by

the developer. This initial site plan for Phase Ten

was approved by the County but never acted

upon.

Five years later the developer changed the

proposed scheme to single family residences, and

the County Commission approved a revised site

plan for 29 single-family homes with a density of

1.37 UPA. Two years after that, however, the

developer again changed its mind and returned to

its original concept of multi-family structures. This

time, the developer sought to develop 136 units in

two-story buildings, with a density of 6.5 UPA.

The County’s growth management staff

recommended that the County Commission

approve this second revised site plan for Phase

Ten. Following a hearing at which a number of

people objected to the proposal, including Shidel,

the County Commission approved the revision and

issued a Development Order3 for Phase Ten

permitting the construction of 19 two-story

buildings.

Claiming statutory authority, Shidel and another

Phase One homeowner, one Charles Brooks,

along with the Homeowners Associations for

Phases One through Nine, then filed a verified

complaint with the Martin County Commission

challenging the consistency of the Development

Order with the Comprehensive Plan, requesting

rescission of the Development Order.4 In

response to the verified complaint, after a hearing

the County Commission confirmed its previous

decision to issue the Development Order.

Shidel and Brooks then filed a civil action in the

Circuit Court against Martin County under the

same statutory authority.5 They alleged that the

3See § 163.3164(7) and (8), Fla. Stat. (2000)

(“‘Development permit’ includes any building permit,

zoning permit, subdivision approval, rezoning,

certification, special exception, variance, or any other

official action of local government having the effect of

permitting the development of land.… ‘Development

order’ means any order granting, denying, or granting

with conditions an application for a development

permit.”).

4See § 163.3215(4), Fla. Stat. (2000) (“As a condition

precedent to the institution of an action pursuant to

this section, the complaining party shall first file a

verified complaint with the local government whose

actions are complained of, setting forth the facts upon

which the complaint is based and the relief sought by

the complaining party. The verified complaint shall be

filed no later than 30 days after the alleged inconsistent

action has been taken. The local government receiving

the complaint shall respond within 30 days after receipt

of the complaint. Thereafter, the complaining party may

institute the action authorized in this section. However,

the action shall be instituted no later than 30 days after

the expiration of the 30-day period which the local

government has to take appropriate action.”).

5See § 163.3215(1), Fla. Stat. (1995) (“Any aggrieved

or adversely affected party may maintain an action for

injunctive or other relief against any local government

to prevent such local government from taking any

action on a development order…which materially alters

the use or density or intensity of use on a particular

piece of property that is not consistent with the

comprehensive plan adopted under this part.”).

(3)

Development Order was inconsistent with the

Comprehensive Plan. The developer intervened.

Shidel and Brooks argued that their statutory

challenge was a de novo proceeding in which the

court should decide in the first instance whether

the Development Order was consistent with the

Comprehensive Plan. Martin County and the

developer argued that the proceeding was in the

nature of appellate review in which the County’s

determination was entitled to deference and the

court should consider only whether there was

substantial competent evidence supporting the

Development Order. Basing its decision solely on

a review of the record created before the County

Commission, the trial court found that the

Development Order was consistent with the

Comprehensive Plan and entered final judgment in

favor of the developer.

At that point, the developer took stock of its

position. It had prevailed before the County

Commission and—at least initially—in the trial

court. Technically, however, its approval for the

project was not final. Developer considered

whether to proceed to construct the buildings or

instead await appellate review of the trial court’s

decision. Ultimately the developer decided to

commence construction, notwithstanding the

pendency of an appeal. Accordingly, it applied for

and received building permits for construction of

Buildings 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12, and started on each

of those buildings while the case was under

consideration in court.6 When construction was

just beginning, Shidel and Brooks sent written

notice to the developer of their intention, should

they prove successful in court, to seek demolition

and removal of any construction undertaken while

judicial consideration of the consistency issue was

pending.

Appellate review did not produce the outcome

for which the developer had hoped. In 1997 we

reversed the trial court’s decision that the

County’s consistency determination complied with

the Comprehensive Plan. Poulos v. Martin

County, 700 So. 2d 163 (Fla. 4th DCA 1997).

Specifically, we concluded that section 163.3215

required de novo consideration in the trial court on

the consistency issue. Our opinion explained:

“if section 163.3215 was intended to provide for

the circuit court to conduct an appellate review

by certiorari, then the statutory language

permitting the filing of the action up to 90 days

after the granting of the development order is in

conflict with the 30 day deadline outlined under

the Florida Rules of Appellate Procedure.”

700 So. 2d at 165. We further adopted an analysis

by Judge Wentworth as to the meaning of section

163.3215:

“the…language in the statute…provides only for

a suit or action clearly contemplating an

evidentiary hearing before the court to

determine the consistency issue on its merits in

the light of the proceedings below but not

confined to the matters of record in such

proceedings.”

700 So. 2d at 166 (quoting from Gregory v. City

of Alachua, 553 So. 2d 206, 211 (Fla. 1st DCA

1989) (Wentworth, J., dissenting)). We remanded

the case for a trial de novo and for any

appropriate relief.

On remand, the trial judge7 proceeded in two

s tages: the first stage involved a determination

whether the Development Order was consistent

with the Comprehensive Plan; and the second

stage, which became necessary, addressed the

remedy. While the case was pending on remand,

developer continued with construction. The

County conducted final inspections of Building 11

and 12, issuing certificates of occupancy (CO),

and residents moved into the buildings. At the end

of the consistency phase, the trial court entered a

partial judgment finding that the Development

6We express no view on the propriety of Martin

County issuing building permits while the case was

pending in court.

7The original judge assigned to the case was rotated

into another division, so the case was assigned to a

new judge.

(4)

Order was not consistent with the Comprehensive

Plan. The trial de novo then proceeded to the

remedy.

At the conclusion of the remedy phase, the trial

court entered a Final Judgment. The court found

that the Comprehensive Plan established a

hierarchy of land uses, paying deferenc e to lower

density residential uses and providing protection to

those areas. The “tiering policy” required that, for

structures immediately adjacent to each other, any

new structures to be added to the area must be

both comparable and compatible to those already

built and occupied.8 The court then found

significant differences between the northern tier of

Phase One and the adjacent southern tier of

Phase Ten. The structures in Phase One were

single level, single family residences, while the

structures in Phase Ten were two-story apartment

buildings with eight residential units. Therefore,

the court found, the 8-residential unit, two-story,

apartment buildings in Phase Ten were not

compatible or comparable types of dwelling units

with the single family, single level residences in

Phase One; nor were they of comparable density.

Consequently, the court determined, the

Development Order was inconsistent with the

Comprehensive Plan.

As regards the remedy, the Final Judgment

found no evidence indicating that either Brooks or

the Homeowners Association were damaged by

any diminution in value. The court found that the

Homeowners Association was not a person within

the meaning of section 163.3215(2) and therefore

had no standing to seek relief under section

163.3215. Accordingly, only plaintiff Shidel was

entitled to seek injunctive relief under section

163.3215.

In granting such relief, the court found that the

developer had acted in bad faith. Specifically, the

court found that the developer continued

construction during the pendency of the prior

appeal and continued to build and lease during the

trial—even after losing on the consistency issue.

The court found that the developer “acted at [its]

own peril in doing precisely what this lawsuit

sought to prevent and now [is] subject to the

power of the court to compel restoration of the

status prior to construction.” The relief awarded

was:

(1) the Court permanently enjoined Martin

County from taking any further action on the

subject Development Order for Phase Ten,

other than to rescind it;

(2) the Court permanently enjoined developer

and its successors in interest from any further

development of Phase Ten under the subject

Development Order; and

(3) the Court ordered developer to remove all

apartment buildings from Phase Ten either

through demolition or physic al relocation by a

date certain.

When the Final Judgment was entered, five of the

eight-unit buildings had been constructed in Phase

Ten (Buildings 8-12). Buildings 11 and 12 had

already received their CO’s, and fifteen of their

sixteen units were actually occupied. Building 10

was fully completed and was awaiting final

inspection as of the date the remedies stage of

trial began. Buildings 8 and 9 were 50% and 66%

completed, respectively, also as of that date.

Following the entry of Final Judgment, the

developer filed this timely appeal and moved for

a stay pending review.9 The trial court granted a

8“A project immediately adjacent to lands used or

designated for lower intensity use should be given

lesser density. (1) For that portion of said project

abutting the existing development or area of lesser

density, a density transition zone of comparable

density and compatible dwelling unit types shall be

established [e.s.] in the new project for a depth from the

shared property line that is equivalent to the depth of

the first tier of the adjoining development’s lower

density (i.e. the depth of the first block of single-family

lots).” Comprehensive Plan, § 4-5(A)(2)(b).

9Neither Charles Brooks nor Martin County has

appealed the final judgment, or filed a brief in this

appeal by Karen Shidel.

(5)

stay only as to the demolition order, allowing

lessees to continue in possession of those

apartments in Buildings 9-12 under actual lease

when the trial court entered final judgment, as well

as to those leases in Building 8 in existence as of

the date of filing of the notice of appeal. The

developer was prohibited, however, from entering

into any renewals of existing leases upon

expiration of the original term or any new leases

of any apartments. Upon review, we affirmed the

stay order. We now explain our decision on the

merits.

I. The Consistency Issue

Initially the developer argues that the trial court

erred in the consistency phase by failing to accord

any deference to the County Commission’s

interpretation of its own Comprehensive Plan

when the County approved the second revised site

plan and its multi-story, multi-family buildings.

Conceding that the proceedings are de novo and

that the Development Order is subject to “strict

scrutiny” under the Comprehensive Plan as to the

consistency issue, the developer nevertheless

argues that the courts must bow to the County’s

interpretation of its own Comprehensive Plan and

the application of its many elements to the site

plan. Developer argues that the statutes and

cases accord such deference to a local

government’s interpretation of its own

Comprehensive Plan and that it was reversible

error for the trial court in this case to fail to do so.

In partic ular, developer relies on Southwest

Ranches Homeowners Ass’n v. Broward

County, 502 So. 2d 931 (Fla. 4th DCA 1987), and

B.B. McCormick & Sons, Inc. v. City of

Jacksonville, 559 So. 2d 252 (Fla. 1st DCA

1990). According to developer, these cases

authorize the use of the highly deferential “fairly

debatable” standard of review—customary with

zoning decisions—to land use determinations such

as the issue of consistency in this case. We

disagree.

As we have already seen in this dispute, the

applicable statute provides that:

“[a]ny aggrieved or adversely affected party

may maintain an action for injunctive or other

relief against any local government to prevent

such local government from taking any action on

a development order…which materially alters

the use or density or intensity of use on a

particular piece of property that is not consistent

with the comprehensive plan….”

§ 163.3215(1), Fla. Stat. (2000). This statute

obviously creates an action for an injunction

against the enforcement of a development order,

rather than to carry out such an order. The

statute is aimed at development orders—which, by

their very nature, must have been approved by a

local government—so it is clear that the

Legislature did not mean that local governments or

developers would be the parties seeking injunctive

relief under this provision.

Moreover there is but one basis for issuing the

injunction: that the development order is not

consistent with the Comprehensive Plan to the

detriment of adjoining property owners. Hence

the issuance of an injunction under section

163.3215(1) necessarily requires the judge to

determine in the first instance whether a

development order is consistent with the

Comprehensive Plan. When a statute authorizes a

citizen to bring an action to enjoin official conduct

that is made improper by the statute, and that

same statute necessitates a determination by the

judge in the action as to whether the official’s

conduct was improper under the statute, as a

general matter the requirement for a determination

of the propriety of the official action should not be

understood as requiring the court to defer to the

official whose conduct is being judged. While the

Legislature could nevertheless possibly have some

reason to require some deference to the officials

whose conduct was thus put in issue, we would

certainly expect to see such a requirement of

deference spelled out in the statute with

unmistakable clarity. Here it is not a question of

any lack of clarity; the statute is utterly silent on

the notion of deference. It is thus apparent that

(6)

the structure and text of the statute do not

impliedly involve any deference to the decision of

the county officials. So we necessarily presume

none was intended.10

Section 163.3194 requires that all development

conform to the approved Comprehensive Plan, and

that development orders be consistent with that

Plan.11 The statute is framed as a rule, a

command to cities and counties that they must

comply with their own Comprehensive Plans after

they have been approved by the State. The

statute does not say that local governments shall

have some discretion as to whether a proposed

development should be consistent with the

Comprehensive Plan. Consistency with a

Comprehensive Plan is therefore not a

discretionary matter. When the Legislature wants

to give an agency discretion and then for the

courts to defer to such discretion, it knows how to

say that. Here it has not. We thus reject the

developer’s contention that the trial court erred in

failing to defer to the County’s interpretation of its

own comprehensive plan.

Before we proceed to assess the trial court’s

determination on the consistency issue, we pause

to consider the history of the land development

statutes. The State of Florida did not assert

meaningful formal control over the explosive and

unplanned development of land in this state until

the passage of the first growth management

statute, the Local Government Comprehensive

Planning Act of 1975. Chapter 75-257, Laws of

Fla. (the 1975 Act). The 1975 Act forced

counties and cities to adopt comprehensive plans,

but they were left to interpret such plans for

themselves, largely free from effective oversight

by the state. See, e.g., City of Jacksonville

Beach v. Grubbs, 461 So. 2d 160, 163 (Fla. 1st

DCA 1984) (determination of when to conform

more restrictive zoning ordinances with

Comprehensive Plan is legislative judgment to be

made by local governing body, subject only to

limited judicial review for patent arbitrariness).

The requirement of adopting a Comprehensive

Plan was, therefore, only a small step. Moreover

nothing in the legislation required local

governments to comply with their own

Comprehensive Plans or that all development be

consistent with the Plan.

By the early 1980’s it was widely recognized

10To illustrate the point, we draw an analogy. The

action by a county approving a development order

could fairly and logically be compared to the actions of

administrative agencies generally. Thus we might

contrast section 163.3215(1) with comparable provisions

of the Administrative Procedures Act. Section 120.68

generally grants parties in agency proceedings access

to a court after the agency has finally acted. Section

120.68(4), however, limits review to the record in

agency. There is no similar provision in section

163.3215. Moreover section 120.68(7) spells out in

precise detail exactly what the reviewing court can do.

Among its provisions is the following:

“The court shall remand a case to the agency for

further proceedings consistent with the court’s

decision or set aside agency action, as appropriate,

when it finds that … (b) The agency’s action

depends on any finding of fact that is not supported

by competent, substantial evidence in the record of

a hearing conducted pursuant to ss. 120.569 and

120.57; however, the court shall not substitute its

judgment for that of the agency as to the weight of

the evidence on any disputed finding of fact … (e)

the agency’s exercise of discretion was: 1. outside

the range of discretion delegated to the agency by

law; 2. inconsistent with agency rule; 3. inconsistent

with officially stated agency policy or a prior agency

practice, if deviation therefrom is not explained by the

agency; or 4. otherwise in violation of a

constitutional or statutory provision; but the court

shall not substitute its judgment for that of the

agency on an issue of discretion.” [e.s.]

§ 120.68(7), Fla. Stat. (2000). There is nothing even

remotely comparable in section 163.3215.

11See § 163.3194(1)(a), Fla. Stat. (2000) (“After a

comprehensive plan…has been adopted in conformity

with this act, all development undertaken by, and all

actions taken in regard to development orders by,

governmental agencies in regard to land covered by

such plan or element shall be consistent with such plan or element as adopted.”). [e.s.]

(7)

that the 1975 Act was proving ineffectual in

regulating Florida’s development. See Reid

Ewing, Florida’s Growth Management

Learning Curve, 19 VA. ENVTL. L. J. 375

(2000). The lack of state control over

interpretation of the Comprehensive Plan was

often cited as a serious deficiency. As one such

criticism described the situation:

“[f]rustration grew at the state level as well.

Lacking the actual power to approve or

disapprove local planning decisions, state and

regional planners could not effectively

coordinate and oversee local planning and

regulation. Local governments changed their

plans ‘willy-nilly virtually every time a city

council or county commission met...’ ”

John M. DeGrove, State and Regional Planning

and Regulatory Activity: The Florida

Experience and Lessons for Other

Jurisdictions, C390 ALI– ABA 397, 428 (1994).

For another thing, the 1975 Act was criticized

for failing to give affected property owners and

citizen groups standing to challenge the land

development decisions of local governments on the

grounds that they were inconsistent with the

Comprehensive Plan. The standing issue was

considered in Citizens Growth Management

Coalition of West Palm Beach Inc. v. City of

West Palm Beach, 450 So. 2d 204 (Fla. 1984)

(CGMC). CGMC involved a challenge by a

citizens group to a local decision to allow the

construction of a large scale residential and

commercial complex. The court began by

referring to Renard v. Dade County, 261 So.2d

832 (Fla. 1972), holding that standing to challenge

local development decisions was limited to the

highly deferential “fairly debatable” standard.

Affected property owners in the vicinity of new

development had no standing to seek enforcement

of local comprehensive plans unless they could

“prove special damages different in kind from that

suffered by the community as a whole.” 261 So.

2d at 834. The CGMC court determined that the

1975 Act did not change these rules on standing.

450 So. 2d at 208. The court reasoned that

because the 1975 Act “did not specifically address

the question” of standing, the statute was not

meant to alter the common law standing

requirements set forth in Renard. 450 So. 2d at

206-07.

Again, to return to the criticism, this limitation on

standing to enforce local planning laws resulted in:

“a failure to conform development decisions to

the plan based upon the fact that citizens lacked

standing to challenge development orders for

lack of consistency with the comprehensive

plan.”

James C. Nicholas & Ruth L. Steiner, Growth

Management and Smart Growth in Florida, 35

WAKE FOREST L. REV. 645, 657 (2000)(quoting

Daniel W. O'Connell, Growth Management in

Florida: Will State and Local Governments Get

Their Acts Together?, FLORIDA ENVTL &

URBAN ISSUES, 1-5 (June 1984)). If affected

property owners in the area of newly permitted

development could not challenge a project on the

grounds that it would be inconsistent with the

Comprehensive Plan, that eliminated the only real

check on local government compliance—a

challenge by those most directly affected by a

proposed development.

The growing pressure for a fundamental change

in the growth management law is reflected in the

following statement made just prior to the

Legislature’s adoption of the current law in 1985:

“In response to this lack of citizen standing, a

citizen initiative began last year and thousands of

signatures were collected around the state to

bring the standing issue to a referendum vote.

The petition specific ally calls for a referendum

on the issues of giving citizens a right in the state

constitution to environmental health and welfare

and providing them with legal standing to sue if

government at the local, regional, or state level

is not doing its job.

“That initiative fell just a few thousand

signatures short of the required number for

qualifying for a referendum in 1984. However,

(8)

the initiative is continuing, and I feel confident that

the issue will be brought to the voters of the state

in 1985 unless the legislature addresses the issue

more effectively than it did last year.”

Kathleen Shea Abrams, An Environmental Word,

1 J. LAND USE & ENVTL LAW 155, 159 (1985).

Clearly the pressure from a “civically militant

electorate” was growing, and the elected

representatives took notice of it. The result was

the Growth Management Act of 1985. Chap. 85-

55, Laws of Fla. This is essentially the statute we

have today, parts of which have been cited in

preceding paragraphs.12 Its most important

provision for our purposes was section 163.3215,

the provision used by Shidel to bring this action

into court.

In Southwest Ranches, we observed that

section 163.3215 had liberalized standing

requirements and demonstrated “a clear legislative

policy in favor of the enforcement of

comprehensive plans by persons adversely

affected by local action.” 502 So. 2d at 935. In

Parker v. Leon County, 627 So. 2d 476, 480 (Fla.

1993), the court held that “the legislature enacted

section 163.3215 to ensure the standing for any

person who ‘will suffer an adverse effect to an

interest protected ... by the ... comprehensive

plan.’ ” 627 So. 2d at 479. The Parker court

quoted with approval the above passage from

Southwest Ranches. 627 So. 2d at 479. See also

Putnam County Envt’l Council, Inc. v. Board of

County Comm’rs of Putnam County, 757 So. 2d

590, 593 (Fla. 5th DCA 2000) (“That standard

changed, however, with the 1985 adoption of

section 163.3215, which liberalized the standing

requirements and ‘demonstrat[ed] a clear

legislative policy in favor of the enforcement of

comprehensive plans by persons adversely

affected by local action.’”). Thus, the criticism

described above certainly was of great influence

in the 1985 Legislature’s formulation of the new

standing provision. Affected citizens have been

given a significantly enhanced standing to

challenge the consistency of development

decisions with the Comprehensive Plan.

The Growth Management Act of 1985 was

discussed in what is now recognized as the most

significant land use decision by the supreme court

in the past decade, namely Board of County

Commissioners of Brevard County v. Snyder,

627 So. 2d 469 (Fla. 1993). Snyder involved a

parcel then zoned only for single family homes and

a proposed development of 5-6 units. The

proposal also necessarily required a change of

zoning. After substantial opposition, and in spite of

a favorable staff recommendation, the County

voted to deny the request without giving any

reasons. Certiorari was denied in the circuit court,

one judge dissenting. The Fifth District held that

rezoning actions entailing the application of a

general rule or policy to specific individuals,

interests, or activities are quasi-judicial in nature

and should be subjected to a stricter standard of

judicial review. The court found that the proposed

site plan was consistent with the Comprehensive

Plan, that there was no evidence supporting the

denial of any necessary rezoning, and that the

denial of the request without giving any reasons

was arbitrary and unreasonable.

After granting review, the supreme court was

first concerned with the level of review given by

the courts to such proceedings. The county took

the position that it had been faced with primarily a

legislative judgment because the landowner sought

rezoning. As the court noted:

“Both federal and state courts adopted a highly

deferential standard of judicial review early in

the history of local zoning. In Village of Euclid

v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U.S. 365 (1926), the

United States Supreme Court held that ‘[i]f the

validity of the legislative classification for zoning

purposes be fairly debatable, the legislative

judgment must be allowed to control.’ This

Court expressly adopted the fairly debatable

principle in City of Miami Beach v. Ocean &

Inland Co., 147 Fla. 480, 3 So.2d 364 (1941).”

12See supra notes 2, 3, 4 and 5 and accompanying

text.

(9)

[c.o.]

627 So. 2d at 472. The court went on to note,

however, that this tolerant form of judicial review

had not proved satisfactory:

“Inhibited only by the loose judicial scrutiny

afforded by the fairly debatable rule, local zoning

systems developed in a markedly inconsistent

manner. Many land use experts and

practitioners have been critical of the local

zoning system. Richard Babcock deplored the

effect of ‘neighborhoodism’ and rank political

influence on the local decision-making process.

Richard F. Babcock, The Zoning Game (1966).

Mandelker and Tarlock recently stated that

‘zoning dec isions are too often ad hoc, sloppy

and self-serving decisions with well-defined

adverse consequences without off-setting

benefits.’ Daniel R. Mandelker and A. Dan

Tarlock, Shifting the Presumption of

Constitutionality in Land-Use Law, 24 URB.

LAW. 1, 2 (1992).”

627 So. 2d at 472-73.

The court explained that in Florida the 1975 Act

“was substantially strengthened by the Growth

Management Act [of 1985].” 627 So. 2d at 473.

After analyzing various provisions of the Growth

Management Act of 1985, the court stated:

“We also agree with the court below that the

review is subject to strict scrutiny. In practical

effect, the review by strict scrutiny in zoning

cases appears to be the same as that given in

the review of other quasi-judicial decisions. See

Lee County v. Sunbelt Equities, II, Ltd.

Partnership, 619 So.2d 996 (Fla. 2d DCA1993)

(The term ‘strict scrutiny’ aris es from the

necessity of strict compliance with

comprehensive plan.). This term as used in the

review of land use decisions must be

distinguished from the type of strict scrutiny

review afforded in some constitutional cases.

Compare Snyder v. Board of County

Comm'rs, 595 So.2d 65, 75-76 (Fla. 5th

DCA1991) (land use), and Machado v.

Musgrove 519 So.2d 629, 632 (Fla. 3d

DCA1987), review denied, 529 So.2d 693

(Fla.1988), and review denied, 529 So.2d 694

(Fla.1988) (land use), with In re Estate of

Greenberg, 390 So.2d 40, 42-43 (Fla.1980)

(general discussion of strict scrutiny review in

context of fundamental rights), appeal

dismissed, 450 U.S. 961 (1981), Florida High

Sch. Activities Ass'n v. Thomas, 434 So.2d 306

(Fla.1983) (equal protection), and Department

of Revenue v. Magazine Publishers of

America, Inc., 604 So.2d 459 (Fla.1992) (First

Amendment).” [e.s.]

627 So. 2d at 475.

In the foregoing quotation the supreme court

drew a distinction between the use of strict

scrutiny in land use cases and its use in other

contexts. The court approved the analyses of the

Fifth District in Snyder and the Third District in

Machado v. Musgrove, 519 So. 2d 629, 632 (Fla.

3d DCA 1987), review denied, 529 So. 2d 693

(Fla.), review denied, 529 So. 2d 694 (Fla. 1988),

regarding land use decisions. These courts

explained that strict scrutiny of local government

development orders is necessary to insure that the

local governments comply with the duty imposed

by section 163.3194 to make decis ions consistent

with the Comprehensive Plan. In discussing the

difference between a developer aggrieved by a

land use decision of local government and an

affected property owner in the vicinity aggrieved

by a proposed new development, the Snyder court

emphasized that section 163.3215 “provides a

remedy for third parties to challenge the

consistency of development orders.” 627 So. 2d

at 475.

As one pair of writers put it, “Snyder changed

the rules of the game for local government land

use approvals.” John W. Howell & David J.

Russ, Planning vs. Zoning: Snyder Decision

Changes Rezoning Standards, FLA. B.J., May

1994, at 16. And another pair noted:

“The easygoing ‘fairly debatable’ test for sitespecific

rezonings was abandoned and the ‘strict

scrutiny’ standard was adopted for the review

of development orders under a county’s

(10)

comprehensive master plan.”

Lucia A. Dougherty & Elliot H. Scherker, Rights,

Remedies, and Ratiocination: Toward a

Cohesive Approach to Appellate Review of

Land Use Orders After Board of County

Commissioners v. Snyder, 24 STET. L. REV. 311,

312 (1995). In light of this history, deferential

review of the kind advocated by developer here is

no longer the rule after Snyder.

Under section 163.3215 citizen enforcement is

the primary tool for insuring consistency of

development decisions with the Comprehensive

Plan. Deference by the courts—especially of the

kind argued by the developer in this case—would

not only be inconsistent with the text and structure

of the statute, but it would ignore the very reasons

for adopting the legislation in the first place.

When an affected property owner in the area of a

newly allowed development brings a consistency

challenge to a development order, a cause of

action—as it were—for compliance with the

Comprehensive Plan is presented to the court, in

which the judge is required to pay deference only

to the facts in the case and the applicable law. In

light of the text of section 163.3215 and the

foregoing history, we reject the developer’s

contention that the trial court erred in failing to

defer to the County’s interpretation of its own

Comprehensive Plan.

Having thus decided that the trial court was

correct in failing to accord any particular

deference to the Martin County Commission in its

interpretation of the Comprehensive Plan, we now

proceed to consider the court’s determination on

the consistency issue. The trial court explained its

decision as follows:

“The primary claim by [plaintiffs] is that the

juxtaposition of multi-story, multi-family

apartments in Phase 10 directly next to the

single family homes in Phase 1 violates a

number of provisions in the Comprehensive

Plan. The provision of the Comprehensive Plan

that is central to their argument is section 4-

5(A)(2)(b), known as the ‘tiering policy.’ [see n.

6, above]

“The tiering policy was added to the

Comprehensive Plan … to address how

development would be added to existing singlefamily

residential communities. There was a

concern … over how existing single-family

homes were being impacted by new, adjacent

denser developments. …

“The tiering policy required…a transition zone

along the southern portion of Phase 10 equal to

‘the depth of the first block of single-family lots’

within the northern portion of Phase 1. The

section requires that development in the first tier

of Phase 10 be limited to construction ‘of

comparable density and compatible dwelling unit

types.’ The court finds that the appropriate

measure is 225 feet, using the shortest average

depth method of computation.

“No transition zone was established for Phase

10. The buildings along the first tier of Phase 10

are multi-family, multi-story, and have balconies.

The southern tier of Phase 10 has a density of

6.6 [UPA]. The overall density of Phase 10 is

6.5 [UPA]. There is no meaningful difference

in density across the entire western portion of

Phase 10. The northern tier of Phase 1, on the

other hand, is comprised entirely of single-family

homes on 0.75 acre to 1.2 acre lots, with a

density of 0.94 [UPA].13

“There was no first tier transition zone

established for Phase 10 as mandated by section

4-5(A)(2)(b). That section is not the only

provision of the Comprehensive Plan that

mandated compatible structures within the first

tier of Phase 10. Section 4-4(M)(1)(e)(2)

provided:

… Where single family structures comprise

the dominant structure type within [residential

estate densities (RE-0.5A)], new development

on undeveloped abutting lands shall be

13At this point in the Final Judgment, the court went

on to show in a comparative table that the change in

density between the two tiers represented a 560%

difference, the change in population a 492% difference,

and the number of units a 418% difference.

(11)

required to include compatible structure types of

lands immediately adjacent to existing family

development.

… Phase 1 is designated RE-0.5A

“It is impossible … to examine the photographs

of the homes in the northern tier of Phase 1, and

the apartment buildings in the southern tier of

Phase 10, and find that they are either

‘compatible dwelling unit types’ or ‘compatible

structure types.’ The only residential structure

that could be less compatible with the northern

tier of Phase 1, would be a multi-story

condominium building. There is no compatibility

between the structures in the southern tier of

Phase 10 and the northern tier of Phase 1.

Further, an examination of the density of

development in the two tiers at issue, precludes

this court from finding that they are in any way

comparable.

“[B]uffering does not grant relief to the

[developer] under section 4-4(I)(5). That

section deals with buffering between

‘incompatible land uses.’ The more specific

Tiering Policy mandates compatibility. More

importantly, even to the extent that the

Comprehensive Plan might, in some instances,

provide a builder with the ability to buffer

changes in density, intensity or uses, the

language of sections 4-4(M)(1)(e)(2) and 4-

5(A)(2)(b) simply do not permit the type of

development that is under construction in Phase

10.”

“Based on the foregoing, the Court finds that

the Development Order is inconsistent with the

Comprehensive Plan. It is not compatible with,

nor does it further the objective, policies, land

uses, densities and intensities in the

Comprehensive Plan. § 163.3194(3)(a).” [e.o.]

We have carefully reviewed the record of the

trial and the evidence presented. It is apparent

that there is substantial competent evidence to

support these findings. Developer argues that the

court erred in its interpretation of the “tiering

policy,” in deeming it a mandatory requirement

rather than a discretionary guide. We conclude

that the trial court’s construction is consistent with

the plain meaning of the text of the

Comprehensive Plan. See Comprehensive Plan,

§ 4-5(A)(2)(b) (“a density transition zone of

comparable density and compatible dwelling unit

types shall be established in the new project for a

depth from the shared property line that is

equivalent to the depth of the first tier of the

adjoining development’s lower density (i.e. the

depth of the first block of single-family lots).”).

Moreover, given the evidence as to Martin

County’s adoption of the tiering policy, the record

clearly supports the finding that the policy was

intended to be applied in all instances of projects

abutting single-family residential areas. We

therefore affirm the finding of inconsistency and

proceed to explain our decision on the remedy.

II. Remedy of Demolition

Developer challenges what it terms the

“enormity and extremity of the injunctive remedy

imposed by the trial court.” It argues that the trial

court’s order requiring the demolition of 5 multifamily

residential buildings is the most radical

remedy ever mandated by a Florida court because

of an inconsistency with a Comprehensive Plan.

Specifically, the contention is that the trial judge

failed to balance the equities between the parties

and thus ignored the evidence of a $3.3 million

dollar loss the developer will suffer from the

demolition of the buildings. The court failed to

consider alternative remedies in damages, it

argues, that would have adequately remedied any

harm resulting from the construction of structures

inconsistent with the Comprehensive Plan.

Developer maintains that the trial court

erroneously failed to give meaningful consideration

to the traditional elements for the imposition of

injunctive relief. It contends that the trial court

proceeded on an erroneous conclusion that where

an injunc tion is sought on the basis of a statutory

violation, no proof is required as to the traditional

(12)

elements for an injunction.

Traditionally, as the trial judge noted, it is true

that injunctions are usually denied where the party

seeking such relief fails to demonstrate a clear

legal right, a particular harm for which there is no

adequate remedy at law, and that considerations

of the public interest would support the injunction.

See, e.g., St Lucie County v. St. Lucie Village,

603 So. 2d 1289, 1292 (Fla. 4th DCA 1992).

These are, of course, the necessary ingredients for

equitable relief when we labor in the interplay of

common law and equity, where ordinary legal

remedies are unavailing.

Nonetheless, as between the State legislature

and the several counties, the Legislature is the

dominant creator of public duties and citizen

rights.14 Recognizing that the Legislature has the

sole power to create such public duties and citizen

rights, it logically follows that the Legislature is

necessarily endowed with the authority to spec ify

precisely what remedies shall be used by judges to

enforce a statutory duty—regardless of whether

in general usage such a remedy usually requires

additional factors before it is traditionally

employed.

When the Legislature creates a public duty and

a corresponding right in its citizens to enforce the

duty it has created, and provides explicitly that the

remedy of vindication shall be an injunction, the

Legislature has not thereby encroached on judicial

powers, as the courts held in Harvey v.

Wittenberg, 384 So. 2d 940 (Fla. 3rd DCA 1980),

and Times Publishing Co. v. Williams, 222 So. 2d

470 (Fla. 2d DCA 1969). The Times Publishing

court explained its theory of encroachment thus:

“Injunctive relief is an extraordinary remedy

which issues only when justice requires and

there is not adequate remedy at law, and when

there is a real and imminent danger of

irreparable injury. Statutory authority for such

writs, as in the act before us, are not

uncommon; but it must be remembered that

such writs are in the first instance judicial writs.

If such statutes purport to give the circuit courts

injunctive power they are ineffectual, since

those courts are otherwise vested with such

powers under the constitution, § 6(3) Art. V

Constitution of Florida; and if they purport to

dictate to such courts when, how or under what

conditions injunctions should issue they would

constitute an unlawful legislative infringement on

a judicial function.” [e.s.]

222 So. 2d at 476. Times Publishing and Harvey

both held that the Legislature is limited to

specifying certain harms as irreparable, but the

court alone has the discretion to determine

whether the injunction should otherwise issue. We

disagree with this analysis.

We think that is too wooden a construction of

legislative powers where a statute is concededly

valid. In our view when the Legislature provides

for an injunction in these circumstances, it has

deliberately made the new public duty and its

corresponding right of enforcement an integrated

statutory prescription. By specifying that the

public interest requires that a certain duty be

vindicated in the courts and not primarily within

other branches of government, the Legislature is

well within its powers. Surely the Legislature’s

primary role in defining public policy under the

constitution is broad enough to enable it to specify

a legal remedy in an enactment, regardless of

whether the traditional judicial restrictions on that

remedy in other, non-statutory contexts would limit

its usage. As the author of the primary duty, the

Legislature alone shapes the form of its

effectuating mechanism.

In section 163.3215, we think the Legislature

has constructed such a statute. The statute leads

off with a declaration that:

“Any aggrieved or adversely affec ted party

may maintain an action for injunctive or other

14See Art. VIII, § 1(f) and (g), Fla. Const. (whether

charter or non-charter government, Counties are

granted power to enact only ordinances that are “not

inconsistent with general law”).

(13)

relief against any local government to prevent

such local government from taking any action on

a development order, as defined in s. 163.3164,

which materially alters the use or density or

intensity of use on a particular piece of property

that is not consistent with the comprehensive plan

adopted under this part.”

From the plain and obvious meaning of this text

we discern only two elements to the granting of an

injunction against the enforcement of a

development order: (a) the party is affected or

aggrieved by (b) an approved project that is

inconsistent with the Comprehensive Plan. In

short, the existence of an affected neighbor is all

that is necessary for the issuance of an injunction

against a proposed land use that is inconsistent

with the Comprehensive Plan.

We note that the statute does not say that the

affected/aggrieved party bringing the action

“creates a presumption of irreparable injury” by

showing an inconsistency with the Plan. See, e.g.,

§ 542.335(1)(j), Fla. Stat. (2000) (“The violation of

an enforceable restrictive covenant creates a

presumption of irreparable injury to the person

seeking enforcement of a restrictive covenant.”).

When the Legislature wants to make a lesser

intrusion on traditional equitable jurisdiction, it

obviously knows how to do so. Here the statutory

text makes the injunction the first and preferred

remedy to alleviate the affects of in inconsistent

land use. Hence, we read the statute to make the

injunction the presumed remedy where the

conditions prescribed are shown.15

We disagree with the developer’s contention

that this statute was meant to create mere

discretion in the court to issue an injunction. If

injunctive relief is the specified, primary remedy to

correct a violation of a public duty and to vindicate

the right of a person affected by the violation of

that duty, it can properly be deemed a rule that the

Legislature has created, not a grant of discretion.

Here the Legislature has devised an entire

statutory scheme to insure that all counties have a

Comprehensive Plan for the development of land

within their respective jurisdictions. The scheme

creates mandatory duties to have a plan,

mandatory duties to have the plan approved by the

state, and once approved mandatory duties to limit

all developments so that they are consistent with

the plan’s requirements. At the end of all these

mandatory duties—all these shalls—comes a new

relaxation of the requirements on standing for

citizen suits to enforce comprehensive land use

15We reject developer’s argument that demolition is

improper simply because Shidel failed to seek a

temporary injunction against any construction while

the case proceeded in court on the consistency issue.

In the first place, when the action was filed the trial

court originally thought its role limited to a record

review of the proceedings before the Martin County

Commission and concluded that no error had been

shown. Having decided there was no error in the

limited review it thought applicable, the trial court was

hardly likely to grant a temporary injunction while the

case was on appeal.

Even more important, however, we find nothing in the

text of the relevant statutes making such a request for

a temporary injunction a precondition to effective final

relief after a trial de novo when the court finds that the

permitted use is inconsistent with the Comprehensive

Plan. We note from other statutes that when the

Legislature means to place restrictions on third party

challenges to agency decisions granting permits, it

says so in specific text. Compare § 403.412(2)(c), Fla.

Stat. (2000), with § 163.3215(4), Fla. Stat. (2000), as to

preconditions for suit; see also § 163.3215(6), Fla. Stat.

(2000) (“The signature of an attorney or party

constitutes a certificate that he or she has read the

pleading, motion, or other paper and that, to the best of

his or her knowledge, information, and belief formed

after reasonable inquiry, it is not interposed for any

improper purpose, such as to harass or to cause

unnecessary delay or for economic advantage,

competitive reasons or frivolous purposes or needless

increase in the cost of litigation. If a pleading, motion,

or other paper is signed in violation of these

requirements, the court, upon motion or its own

initiative, shall impose upon the person who signed it,

a represented party, or both, an appropriate sanction,

which may include an order to pay to the other party or

parties the amount of reasonable expenses incurred

because of the filing of the pleading, motion, or other

paper, including a reasonable attorney's fee.”).

(14)

plans and providing for the issuance of injunctions

when an inconsistency affects another land

owner. Judicial construction of that sole remedy

as discretionary strikes us as remarkably

inconsistent with not only the text of the statute

itself but also with the purpose of the entire

legislative scheme.

Developer lays great stress on the size of the

monetary loss that it claims it will suffer from

demolition, as opposed to the much smaller

diminution in value that the affected property

owner bringing this action may have suffered. It

contends that a $3.3 million loss far outweighs the

evidence of diminution in the value of Shidel’s

property, less than $26,000. Its primary contention

here is that the trial judge erred in failing to weigh

these equities in its favor and deny any remedy of

demolition. Instead, as developer sees it, the court

should have awarded money damages to eliminate

the objector’s diminution in value. Developer also

argued that instead of demolition it should be

allowed to build environmental barriers, green

areas of trees and shrubbery, between the

apartment buildings and the adjoining area of

single family homes.

Developer emphasizes that we deal here with an

expensive development: “a high quality, upscale

project;” “forty units of high-quality garden

apartments;” “five upscale multi-family dwellings,

housing 40 garden apartments, at a value of

approximately $3 million.” Developer concedes

that there is evidence showing that plaintiff

Shidel’s property is diminished by $26,000. It also

concedes that the total diminution for all the homes

bordering its project is just under $300,000.

Developer contends, however, that the real

countervailing harm to all these affected property

owners in the vicinity is not any diminution in the

value of their homes, but instead is merely

“knowing that there is an upscale apartment

building approximately a football field away,

partially visible through some trees behind the

house.”

Section 163.3215 says nothing about weighing

these specific equities before granting an

injunction. If the Legislature had intended that

injunctive enforcement of comprehensive plans in

the courts be limited to cases where such

imbalances of equities were not present, we

assume that it would have said so. As important,

such balancing if applied generally would lead to

substantial non-compliance with comprehensive

plans. We doubt that there will be many instances

where the cost of the newly allowed construction

will be less than any diminution resulting from an

inconsistency. Entire projects of the kind

permitted here will frequently far exceed the

monetary harms caused to individual neighbors

affected by the inconsistency. In other words, if

balancing the equities—that is, weighing the loss

suffered by the developer against the diminution in

value of the objecting party—were required

before demolition could be ordered, then

demolition will never be ordered.

Moreover it is an argument that would allow

those with financial resources to buy their way out

of compliance with comprehensive plans. In all

cases where the proposed use is for multiple acres

and multiple buildings, the expenditures will be

great. The greater will be its cost, and so will be

a resulting loss from an after-the-fact demolition

order. The more costly and elaborate the project,

the greater will be the “imbalance in the equities.”

The more a developer is able to gild an

inconsistency with nature’s ornaments—trees,

plants, flowers and their symbiotic fauna—the

more certain under this argument will be the result

that no court will enjoin an inconsistency and

require its removal if already built.

In this case the alleged inequity could have been

entirely avoided if developer had simply awaited

the exhaustion of all legal remedies before

undertaking construction. It is therefore difficult

to perceive from the record any great inequity in

requiring demolition. Shidel let the developer

know when it was just beginning construction of

the first building that she would seek demolition if

(15)

the court found the project inconsistent. When

developer decided to proceed with construction in

spite of the absence of a final decision as to the

merits of the challenge under section 163.3215, the

developer was quite able to foresee that it might

lose the action in court. It could not have had a

reasonable expectation that its right to build what

it had proposed was finally settled. It may have

thought the decision to build before the

consistency question was settled in court a

reasonable “business decision,” but that hardly

makes it inequitable to enforce the rule as written.

It also seems quite inappropriate, if balancing of

equities were truly required by this statute, to

focus on the relatively small financial impacts

suffered by those adjoining an inconsistent land

use. The real countervailing equity to any

monetary loss of the developer is in the flouting of

the legal requirements of the Comprehensive Plan.

Every citizen in the community is intangibly

harmed by a failure to comply with the

Comprehensive Plan, even those whose properties

may not have been directly diminished in value.

We claim to be a society of laws, not of

individual eccentricities in attempting to evade the

rule of law. A society of law must respect law,

not its evasion. If the rule of law requires land

uses to meet specific standards, then allowing

those who develop land to escape its requirements

by spending a project out of compliance would

make the standards of growth management of

little real consequence. It would allow developers

such as this one to build in defiance of the limits

and then escape compliance by making the cost of

correction too high. That would render section

163.3215 meaningless and ineffectual.

In this regard we are drawn to the views

expressed in Welton v. 40 Oak Street Building.

Corp., 70 F.2d 377 (7th Cir. 1934), a case of

strikingly analogous facts. There the developer

applied for a permit to erect a building, and

proceeded to build while its neighbor objected to

the edifice and sought to show that the building

plans did not comply with the zoning ordinances.

When the agency approved the building he sought

relief in the courts, finally being victorious in the

state supreme court. Ownership of the building

meanwhile passed to a federal receiver, and so the

objecting neighbor sought to enforce his remedy

by injunctive relief in the federal court. The trial

judge denied an injunction. On appeal the Court of

Appeals disagreed and ordered a mandatory

injunction to “rebuild” the edifice in compliance

with the zoning law, explaining:

“We have earnestly endeavored to place

ourselves in a position to fully appreciate

appellees’ argument to the effect that

enforcement of a right which arises out of an

effort to give light and air to metropolitan areas

is an equity that is outweighed by the dollars

advanced by builders of twenty story buildings in

defiance of zoning ordinances. We have also

endeavored to obtain appellees’ viewpoint when

they propose a money judgment to one who

suffers small financial loss as satisfaction for

violation of important ordinances enacted for the

benefit of the public. In the fight for better living

conditions in large cities, in the contest for more

light and air, more health and comfort, the scales

are not well balanced if dividends to the

individuals outweigh health and happiness to the

community. Financial relief to appellants is not

the only factor in weighing equities. There is

involved that immeasurable but nevertheless

vital element of respect for, and compliance

with, the health ordinance of the city. The

surest way to stop the erection of high buildings

in defiance of zoning ordinances is to remove all

possibility of gain to those who build illegally.

Prevention will never be accomplished by

compromise after the building is erected, or

through payment of a small money judgment to

some individual whose financial loss is an

inconsequential item.”

70 F.2d at 382-83. We agree with the Seventh

Circuit that respect for law, in this case the

Comprehensive Plan, trumps any “inequity” of

financial loss arising from demolition.

(16)

Our understanding of section 163.3215 is thus

different from equity’s traditional use of its

remedies. If, as we have shown, an injunction is

the statutory remedy to insure consistency of

development of property within the county, it does

not seem to us that the kind of balancing

advocated here would further that goal. In fact it

would very likely lead to even more inconsistent

development, particularly as to the kind of large

scale projec t involved here with multiple buildings

for multiple families. As we see it, the purpose of

this statute is precisely against this kind of

thinking. A clear rule is far more likely to erase

the kind of legal unpredictability lamented by

developer and amici.

The statute says that an affected or aggrieved

party may bring an action to enjoin an inconsistent

development allowed by the County under its

Comprehensive Plan. The statutory rule is that if

you build it, and in court it later proves

inconsistent, it will have to come down. The

court’s injunction enforces the statutory scheme

as written. The County has been ordered to

comply with its own Comprehensive Plan and

restrained from allowing inconsistent development;

and the developer has been found to have built an

inconsistent land use and has been ordered to

remove it. The rule of law has prevailed.

We therefore affirm the final judgment of the

trial court in all respects.

GUNTHER and GROSS, JJ., concur.

NOT FINAL UNTIL DISPOSITION OF ANY TIMELY

FILED MOTION FOR REHEARING.

 

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Case Studies in Transferable Development Rights

TDR Case Studies Updates

 

Beyond Takings and Givings contains case studies of 142 TDR programs in 134 communities around the nation. Since that book went to press in January 2003, TDR programs have been adopted, discovered or updated in the following communities. Rick Pruetz, who prepares these profiles, runs a consulting practice specializing in TDR workshops, studies and ordinances. Please contact him at arje@attglobal.net with corrections, updates or information on additional programs.

 

 

 


 

Bainbridge Island, Washington

Blacksburg, Virginia

Calvert County, Maryland

Chesterfield Township, Burlington County, New Jersey

Clallam County, Washington

La Quinta, California

Los Ranchos de Albuquerque, New Mexico

Lumberton Township, Burlington County, New Jersey

Montgomery County, Maryland

New Castle County, Delaware

Redmond, Washington

Scottsdale, Arizona

Summit County, Utah

Vancouver, British Columbia

 

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Department of Environmental Protection Application Forms

Approved Appraiser List Application
Appraisals and appraisal reviews conducted for the Board of Trustees state owned lands must be conducted by appraisers on the Division of State Lands Approved Appraiser List per FAC 18-1.007(2)(a).

Aquatic Plant Removal Permit Application  (pdf  35k, requires Acrobat Reader)

Florida Forever Application [doc]

Application for processing and collecting aquatic plants for Importation, Transportation, Non-Nursery Cultivation, Possession, and Collection (pdf 95k, requires Acrobat Reader)  Rules

Application for removing aquatic plants (pdf  35k, requires Acrobat Reader) Rules

DEP 63-030 (16) (doc) Application for Recordable Document for Lands Filled Prior to July 1, 1975 Pursuant to Chapter 253.12(9) & (10), Florida Statutes

Affidavit Example for Lands Filled Prior to July 1, 1975-"75 Certificate"

DEP 63-031 (16) (doc) Application for Disclaimers to Confirm Title of Formerly Sovereignty Lands Pursuant to Chapter 253.129, Florida Statutes

DEP 63-032 (16) (doc) Application for Quitclaim Deed to Clear Title of Formerly Sovereignty Lands Pursuant to Chapter 253.12(6), Florida Statutes

DEP 62-068 (16) (doc) Application to Purchase Lands Lost Due to Artificial Erosion or Artificial Erosion and Avulsion

DEP 62-069 (16) (doc) Application for Disclaimer for Lands Lost Due to Avulsion

Exchange of land title to which title is vested in the Board of Trustees of the Internal Improvement Trust Fund of the State of Florida

Mineral, Oil, or Gas Lease Application

Private Upland Easement Application

Private Upland Lease Application

Surplus Land Application

 

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University of Florida Web Resourses for Urban Planning


SMATHERS LIBRARIES
---Web Resources for Urban Planning
-
Introduction

This guide provides links to websites of high quality of likely interest to researchers in architecture.  Recommendations for additions or revisions to this guide are welcomed.  This guide is one of three which make up the Architecture Subject Guide.  The other guides deal with Reference Collection sources and Databases.-

 

 
Indices and Compilations Florida Sites Codes Directories
Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning
Sustainability Federal, State, Local Government Web Sites Planning Associations & Organizations Related Associations Environmental Organizations and Sites Planning Centers & Institutes

Planning Subject Guide | AFA Library | UF Libraries | UF



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Federal Conservation Programs

Release No. 0456.04

Julie Quick (202) 720-4632

Mary Cressel (202) 690-0547

VENEMAN ANNOUNCES RELEASE OF $1.6 BILLION FOR VOLUNTARY CONSERVATION PROGRAMS ON WORKING LANDS

 

WASHINGTON, Oct. 22, 2004—Agriculture Secretary Ann M. Veneman today announced the release of $1.6 billion in fiscal year 2005 funding for conservation programs on working lands, which, by knowing the initial mandatory program funding and technical assistance levels well before the next planting season begins, will help producers connect their business decisions to protecting water, air, soil and wildlife.

"This is one of the largest investments in conservation on private lands in our nation’s history," Veneman said. "In making the announcement today, we are responding to agricultural producers who want greater certainty and predictability in their decisions regarding environmental stewardship before planting season begins."

Veneman said that these program funds were being provided much earlier than in the past.

"Releasing the funds earlier in the year gives farmers and ranchers more time to make sound decisions regarding conservation practices," said Veneman. "This announcement will make conservations programs fully operational in every state and give producers the information they need to develop more effective conservation plans."

Veneman added that this effort is another example of the Bush Administration’s commitment to providing the tools and resources that will help agriculture producers remain the best stewards of the land. For example, on Earth Day 2004, President Bush highlighted the progress made by USDA in restoring America’s wetlands and announced an aggressive national goal to increase overall wetland acres and quality by restoring, improving and protecting at least 3 million wetland acres over the next five years. To help meet this goal, the President called on Congress to pass his FY 2005 Budget request, which includes $4.4 billion for conservation programs. By surpassing the decade-old "no-net-loss" policy, the President sent a message that we can continue the fight against soil erosion, improve the quality of our water and air and enhance wildlife habitat across America’s productive agricultural landscape.

In August, the President announced an expansion of the Conservation Reserve Program (CRP). As part of this announcement, the President unveiled CRP initiatives to create 250,000 acres of habitat for the northern bobwhite quail and to restore 250,000 acres of wetlands and playa lakes located outside the 100-year floodplain.

 

 

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In September, the President issued an Executive Order, Facilitation of Cooperative Conservation, which promotes cooperative conservation. The Executive Order emphasized appropriate local participation in Federal decision-making, in accordance with respective agency missions, policies and regulations. Cooperative conservation will enhance the enjoyment of natural resources through greater protection of the environment by involving collaborative activity among Federal, State, local and tribal governments, private for-profit and nonprofit institutions, other nongovernmental entities and individuals.

To help implement these initiatives, the Administration is announcing the initial conservation funding allocation today to allow USDA’s Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS) conservationists to work with farmers and ranchers nationwide to improve soil, water, air and at-risk habitat on privately-owned working lands in several programs.

Fiscal year 2005 allocations include $1.310 billion in financial assistance and $306 million for technical assistance for NRCS voluntary conservation programs and other activities. Veneman said that States will receive additional money after Congress makes discretionary funding decisions.

With financial and technical assistance from NRCS, farmers, ranchers and other landowners will continue to address resource concerns on agricultural working lands, promote environmental quality, address challenges in water quality and quantity, protect prime farmland and grazing lands and protect valuable wetlands ecosystems and wildlife habitat.

Key conservation programs and allocations include:

Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP): $793,590,395. EQIP assists farmers and ranchers to improve soil, air and water quality and other related resources on private working lands.

Ground and Surface Water Conservation (GSWC): $62,874,481. GSWC assists farmers and ranchers to conserve our nation’s ground and surface water resources. The funding will result in improving agricultural water use efficiency and result in a net savings to ground and surface water reserves.

Klamath Basin: $9,734,200. These funds will help farmers and ranchers to enhance water quality, reduce water usage by increasing irrigation efficiencies, and improve habitat for affected fish and wildlife in the Klamath Basin.

Wetlands Reserve Program (WRP): $244,533,800. WRP is a voluntary program that helps landowners restore, enhance and protect wetlands through permanent easements, 30-year easements and restoration cost-share agreements. The program works to maximize wildlife habitat and wetland functions and values. 

 

 

-more-

 

 

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Farm and Ranchland Protection Program (FRPP): $66,574,678. FRPP is a voluntary program that provides matching funds to state and local governments and non-governmental organizations to purchase conservation easements on farm and ranch land. Since 1996, FRPP, in partnership with state and local governments and nongovernmental organizations, has protected over 440,000 acres.

Grassland Reserve Program (GRP): $40,832,400. GRP is a voluntary program designed to protect and restore grasslands, biodiversity, wildlife habitat and reduce soil erosion while sustaining viable working ranches. In 2005, GRP will utilize over $2 million to benefit the Greater Sage Grouse in key western states and protect precious Tall Grass habitat in Kansas.

Wildlife Habitat Incentives Program (WHIP): $21,935,051. WHIP offers technical and financial assistance through long-term agreements to create, restore and enhance wildlife habitat for upland wildlife, wetland wildlife, threatened, endangered or at-risk species and fisheries as well as other types of wildlife.

Agricultural Management Assistance (AMA): $12,997,456. AMA is available in 15 states where participation in the Federal Crop Insurance Program has been historically low: Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Utah, Vermont, West Virginia and Wyoming. It helps farmers and ranchers voluntarily address natural resource concerns by incorporating conservation into farming operations while managing financial risk.

Conservation Reserve Program (CRP): $56,599,700 in technical assistance. CRP, administered by the Farm Service Agency, encourages farmers and ranchers to voluntarily establish conservation practices to protect environmentally sensitive land, provide food and habitat for wildlife and protect ground and surface water from runoff and sedimentation. Since the inception of CRP in 1986, this program has helped reduce soil erosion by more than 40 percent and restored 1.8 million acres of critical wetland acreage.

In addition, the allocation includes dollars for the Conservation Security Program (CSP). It includes $32,386,009 for active contracts and $162,024,991 for 2005 sign-up. State allocations for sign-up will be made at a later date. CSP recognizes those producers who are excellent stewards of the land and are willing to do even more by supporting ongoing conservation stewardship of agricultural working lands. In 2004, CSP was offered in 18 watersheds. In 2005 it is expected to be available in watersheds in all 50 states and a renewable energy component will be introduced that rewards farmers and ranchers for converting to renewable energy fuels such as soy bio-diesel and ethanol, for recycling 100 percent of on-farm lubricants, and for implementing energy production, including wind, solar, geothermal, and methane production.

A list of allocation totals by states is attached. Additional information on conservation programs is available at http://www.nrcs.usda.gov/programs. Landowners who want specific information regarding program participation should contact their local USDA Service Center or NRCS office, locate at http://offices.usda.gov or in the telephone book under Federal Government, U.S. Department of Agriculture.

#

FY 2005 Conservation Funding Allocation Totals by State:

 

FLORIDA

$39,180,466

* State allocations for CSP sign-up will be made at a later date.

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AGRICULTURE AND RURAL AREA

STUDY

ANALYSIS OF AGRICULTURAL LAND

RETENTION STRATEGIES

TASK 2.B.

SUBMITTED BY:

ROBERT H. FREILICH, AICP, LL.M., J.D.

TYSON SMITH, AICP, J.D.

ELISA PASTER, M. SC.

FREILICH, LEITNER & CARLISLE

WITH SUPPORT FROM

TISCHLER & ASSOCIATES

AND

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

Miami-Dade County Agriculture and Rural Area Study

Task 2(b)

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. Introduction..................................................................................................................2

A. Task 2: Agricultural and Rural Area Retention and Promotion Strategies .............2

B. Task 2(b): Analysis of Agricultural Land Retention Strategies ..............................2

C. The Goal: Protection of Agricultural Land Values and the Essential Character of

the Study Area .................................................................................................................3

II. Overview......................................................................................................................4

A. Land Use Growth Patterns .......................................................................................4

B. Agricultural Land .....................................................................................................6

C. Economic Impact of Agricultural Land ...................................................................7

D. Growth Management Challenges ............................................................................7

III. Agricultural and Rural Land Policies and Implementation Techniques..................8

A. Agricultural Zoning .................................................................................................8

1. Area Based Zoning ..............................................................................................9

2. Large Lot Zoning .................................................................................................9

3. Cluster Zoning ...................................................................................................10

4. Buffering............................................................................................................12

5. Overall Benefits and Drawbacks of Agricultural Zoning..................................14

B. Non-Zoning Techniques ........................................................................................15

1. Right-to-farm Laws ...........................................................................................15

2. Agricultural Districting......................................................................................17

3. Land Evaluation Systems ..................................................................................18

C. Land Acquisition Programs ...................................................................................20

1. Conservation Easements ....................................................................................20

2. Purchase of Development Rights.......................................................................20

3. Land Banking.....................................................................................................22

4. Transfer of Development Rights .......................................................................23

5. Florida Rural and Family Lands Protection Act ................................................26

D. Taxation Programs .................................................................................................27

1. Differential Assessment .....................................................................................27

2. Circuit Breaker Tax Relief Credits ....................................................................28

3. Real Estate Transfer Taxes ................................................................................29

E. Funding Programs..................................................................................................30

1. Impact Fees ........................................................................................................30

2. Environmental Mitigation Fees .........................................................................31

3. Federal Programs ...............................................................................................31

F. Regulatory Techniques ..........................................................................................32

1. Growth Tiers ......................................................................................................32

2. Concurrency Programs ......................................................................................33

3. Urban Service Boundaries .................................................................................34

IV. Economics and the Law.........................................................................................35

A. Economic Value of Land .......................................................................................35

B. Legal Framework ...................................................................................................35

1. Takings ..............................................................................................................36

2. Impact Fees/ Mitigation Fees.............................................................................37

3. Due Process .......................................................................................................38

V. Miami-Dade County – Value Preservation Principle ................................................38

VI. Conclusion.............................................................................................................39

Miami-Dade County Agriculture and Rural Area Study

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The authors have prepared this analysis in completion of Task 2(b)

of the Scope of Services, “Agricultural and Rural Area Retention and

Promotion Strategies.” It is not the goal of this analysis to propose one

solution or another as appropriate to the Study Area, or to suggest one

policy approach over any other. Rather, this analysis is intended to set

forth alternative techniques that the CAC may recommend and the County

may adopt in pursuit of its overarching land use objectives in the Study

Area.

Tyson Smith, of the law firm, Freilich, Leitner & Carlisle, and coauthor

of this analysis, attended the August 21, 2002 meeting of the CAC,

presented the findings made herein, and received the initial input of the

Committee. This Report reflects the comments received at that meeting,

as well as additional comments received from other members of the

Consultant Team, staff, and the TAC.

The Task 2(c) report, “Analysis of Rural Land Uses,” presents a

case analysis of five different communities around the country that have

incorporated a number of the preservation techniques discussed in this

report. In Task 2(c) we focused on the “value preservation” mechanisms –

e.g., purchase or transfer of development rights – applied by the

communities to achieve successful agriculture and rural area programs.

Value preservation mechanisms make most programs successful, due

mainly to the fact that they protect both the agricultural and the

preservation interests of the community. This Report provides an

overview of zoning and incentive driven programs that may, in the final

analysis, constitute the ultimate recommendation of the Consultant Team.

I. INTRODUCTION

A. Task 2: Agricultural and Rural Area Retention and Promotion Strategies

Task 2 of the Scope of Services focuses on a range of agriculture and rural area

retention, promotion, and economic development strategies. Task 2(a) presents and

analyzes information on various economic development issues; Task 2(c) introduces

related programs used in similarly situated rural areas of the country; and, finally, Task

2(d) will include a recommended approach for addressing the specific needs of Miami-

Dade County.

B. Task 2(b): Analysis of Agricultural Land Retention Strategies

Objective: Collect, analyze and present information regarding

agricultural land retention strategies and implementing programs used in

areas facing similar urbanization pressures, as well as development rights

programs, land swaps, or any other means to ensure that landowner

equity is maintained, with emphasis on the success of such programs, their

ability to solve shortcomings and their applicability to Miami-Dade

County without negative effects on agricultural competitiveness.

Miami-Dade County Agriculture and Rural Area Study

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The goal of Task 2(b) is to present and analyze information regarding agricultural

and rural land use strategies and programs used in areas facing development pressures

similar to those in existence or anticipated in the Study Area. Section II of this Report

provides a general overview of the range of issues that underlie the overall analysis being

undertaken by the Consultant Team (the “Team”). Section III sets out numerous

agriculture and rural land use techniques that are available to the County in pursuit of its

overall rural policies. Section IV assesses the applicability and legality of various land

use policies and preservation techniques within the Study Area. And, finally, Section V

sets forth the proposed framework for analyzing or determining a policy approach that

will achieve the dual goal of this analysis: the protection of land values and the

preservation of agriculture and rural open space within the Study Area.

C. The Goal: Protection of Agricultural Land Values and the Essential

Character of the Study Area

Preserving the value of agricultural land is imperative to ensuring long term

preservation of farming, open space, and managed growth. Farmers, growers, and

ranchers own 80 percent of the private land in Florida; land that provides wide-open

views of forestlands, green groves, and pastureland.1 However, many of these large-scale

property owners are selling their land because encroaching urban uses have deemed

agricultural uses economically non-viable. When land value is diminished, future

economic development is limited. During times of economic hardship, the agricultural

landowner may have to rely on the underlying value of his or her land to make financing

arrangements to cover the cost of operations. If land values are significantly reduced, so

are refinancing opportunities, leaving the farmer in difficult financial straits. Preserving

land values is beneficial not only for the land owner, but also for the entire community;

while the farmer continues to farm, the community benefits from open space and

managed growth.

This paper concludes with a proposal for analyzing and developing a “preferred

development scenario” for achieving the long-term land use goals for the Study Area.

The authors propose that this analysis – this weighing of alternative techniques and

approaches – be conducted in light of the actual economic reality that landowners in the

Study Area will face over a twenty-year period. Simply put, that decision will be

whether to retain existing holdings in their current use, or a significant portion thereof; or

to develop those holdings at some undetermined urban or suburban density.

The framework of this analysis presumes, first, that a combination of

agriculture/rural open space preservation and reasonable development will characterize

the Study Area over the next twenty years. Second, it further presumes that this

combination of land use intensities will be defined by adopted County policies, which in

turn, may be based significantly on the recommendations of the Team and the Citizens’

Advisory Committee (the “CAC”). Third, this analysis contemplates an ultimate

“preferred development scenario” – to be determined and articulated under Task 2(d) –

that preserves both property rights and rural character, but neither at the expense of the

1 Florida Farm Bureau, Growth Management, available at

http://www.fb.com/flfb/issues/2001/Growmgt.htm (August 2, 2002).

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other. The authors believe that reasonable policies can be drafted and implemented,

which will advance both property rights and the rural policies of the County, while

protecting land values throughout the Study Area. The Alternatives Analysis set forth at

Section V proposes a framework for arriving at that ultimate recommendation.

II. OVERVIEW

A. Land Use Growth Patterns

Florida is one of the fastest growing states in the nation, and rural lands still

constitute a majority of land within the state.2 While rural populations accounted for only

7 percent of the state’s population in 1997, the growth rate of rural Florida has been

outpacing the national average.3 From 1990 to 2000, the population of Miami-Dade

County grew 12.3 percent.4

Historically, Miami-Dade County’s land use patterns have reflected patterns

across America: loss of agricultural land to urban development; rising land prices on the

urban fringe; and urban sprawl. Since World War II the greatest proportion of growth

has taken place in the urban-rural fringes of major metropolitan centers. This type of

growth has led to the depletion and deprivation of important environmental resources,

including the loss of unique agricultural lands.5 As urban growth spreads into the rural

and semi-rural areas of Miami- Dade County, the character unique to the rural community

is threatened.6

In 1985, the Florida Legislature passed into law the Local Government

Comprehensive Planning and Land Development Regulations Act (the “Growth

Management Act”). The Growth Management Act set up a public hearing and permitting

process for regional planned growth that protects important public natural resources

including rivers, lakes, springs, state parks, and rare wildlife species. The Growth

Management Act mandates comprehensive planning for local governments and vested the

Florida Department of Community Affairs (DCA) with an oversight role. From local to

regional to statewide comprehensive plans, DCA provides checks and balances to growth

and development, ensuring that developers and existing taxpayers alike foot some of the

costs associated with growth such as new schools, roads, new utilities (drinking water,

sewage treatment, electric, telephone), municipal services (fire, police, ambulance), and

additional parks and recreation areas. 7

The County’s Comprehensive Development Master Plan and its accompanying

Land Use Planning (LUP) map guide land use patterns in Miami-Dade County. The

Urban Development Boundary (UDB) is one of the major components of the land use

strategy in Miami-Dade County as it demarcates where urban development ends and rural

2 Florida Chapter of the American Planning Association & 1000 Friends of Florida, Rural Florida:

Opportunities for the Future, 3 (February 2002).

3 Id.

4 South Florida Regional Planning Council, Table: Southeast Florida Components Of Population Change

available at http://www.sfrpc.com/region/sfcmigc1.htm (August 1, 2002).

5 Robert H. Freilich & Linda Kirts Davis, Saving the Land: The Utilization of Modern Techniques of

Growth Management to Preserve Rural and Agricultural America, 13 URB. LAW. 27, 29 (1981).

6 See Fred Heyer, Perserving Rural Character, APA Planning Advisory Service Report no. 429, 1 (1990).

7 See generally Fla. Stat. §163 (2002).

Miami-Dade County Agriculture and Rural Area Study

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development begins.8 The purpose of the UDB is to ensure that development only occurs

in areas where infrastructure is available and to ensure vital natural resources are

protected outside the boundary. Development within the UDB will be approved through

the year 2005 provided that adequate services and public facilities are available.9 The

LUP also has a year 2015 Urban Expansion Area (UEA) boundary. The UEA is

comprised of that area located between the 2005 UDB and the 2015 UEA boundary. It is

the area where current projections indicate that further urban development beyond the

2005 UDB boundary is likely to occur between 2005 and 2015. Until this area is brought

into the UDB area through plan and review amendment processes, parcels are allowed to

be used for agricultural and open space use.10

Any person or organization, including the federal government, the State of

Florida, Miami-Dade County, any municipality in Miami-Dade County and any of their

agencies, authorities and departments may request amendment of the UDB and UEA.

The County Commission must review the Comprehensive Development Master Plan

every two years and any proposed amendment to the UDB may only be submitted in odd

years during a certain period in April.11 In considering amendments to the UDB the

Commission must meet all the requirements of the Growth Management Act and will

consider issues such as population trends, demand on urban services, levels of service

available, development right demand, infill potential, environmental and agricultural

resources, and above all concurrency, which demands that local government phase

development so it occurs only after urban facilities or infrastructure have been provided.

In December of 1996, the Miami-Dade County Board of County Commissioners

passed Resolution No. 1477-96 establishing an Infill Strategy Task Force to study

opportunities and strategies to promote infill within the UDB. The Task Force’s 1997

final report recommended, among other things, that the UDB not be expanded for at least

ten years and that the policy of discouraging infrastructure investment outside the UDB

be continued.12

Comprehensive Development Master Plan policies reflect the need to discourage

sprawl development outside the UDB in order to preserve agriculture. Policy 8G states

that the UDB should contain developable land having capacity to sustain projected

countywide residential demand for a total period of 15 years after adoption of the most

recent Evaluation and Appraisal Report.13 Policy 8H further indicates that when

considering land areas to be added to the UDB, the Redland area (a prime agricultural

location) shall not be cons idered, and land designated for agricultural land uses on the

LUP shall be avoided.14 The Comprehensive Development Master Plan also indicates

that the principal uses in the “Agriculture” district should be agriculture and uses

ancillary to and directly supportive of agricultural. While uses ancillary and necessary to

agriculture may be permitted, the County should consider whether future schools should

8 MIAMI-DADE COUNTY, COMPREHENSIVE DEVELOPMENT MASTER PLAN at I-45 (2001).

9 Id.

10 Id. at I-46.

11 MIAMI-DADE COUNTY ZONING CODE, Sec. 2-116.1. (2002).

12 MIAMI-DADE COUNTY, supra note 8, at I-45.

13 Id. at I-16.

14Id at I-17.

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be located outside the agricultural area within the urban development areas of the

County.15

Though some agriculturally zoned land exists within the UDB, no new

commercial agricultural use of property may be established within the boundary (though

limited exceptions exist).16 This is consistent with a countywide strategy to maximize

densities and urban uses within the UDB and to maximize preservation of land values

within the community. Conversely, there are lands that are zoned agricultural within the

UDB but are re-designated for urban development pursuant to amendments to the

Comprehensive Development Master Plan in 1995. These lands shall be converted only

pursuant to policies within the Comprehensive Development Master Plan and contingent

on a Farmland Conservation Study. 17

Residential development is only permitted at a density of one unit per five acres

(1:5). Smaller residential parcels may be created only if the immediate area surrounding

the subject parcel on three sides is predominately parceled in a similar manner and if

division of the subject parcel would not encourage further land division in the area.18 No

business or industry (with the exception of packing houses) is allowed in the Agriculture

district unless it is directly related to agricultural uses, is located on an existing arterial

roadway, and a adequate water supply and sewage disposal exists in accordance with

County law. Other uses compatible with agriculture and rural residential character may

be approved based on a determination of public necessity or public interest; or if the

applicant can prove no other suitable site exists outside the Agriculture district.19

B. Agricultural Land

There are approximately 1.55 million acres in Miami-Dade County, ¾ of which

are under water, in water conservation areas or considered submarginal for urban or

agricultural uses.20 Agricultural uses in Miami-Dade County are located in the south

central portion of the County, also known as the Redland. There are considerable urban

land uses scattered throughout this agricultural area.

According to the Census of Agriculture, land devoted to agriculture has remained

fairly stable since the 1980s, ranging from 83 to 87 thousand acres, or approximately 7

percent of total county acreage.21 While the number of farms declined by 17 percent to

1,576 since 1992, the acreage of land devoted to agriculture actually increased 1.7

15Id. at I-47.

16 Id at I-45.

17 Id at I-46.

18 Id.

19 Id.

20 ROBERT DEGNER, TOM STEVENS, DAVID MULKEY, & ALAN HODGES, FLORIDA AGRICULTURAL

MARKETING RESEARCH CENTER, ECONOMIC IMPACT OF AGRICULTURE AND AGRIBUSINESS IN MIAMI-DADE

COUNTY, FLORIDA p. x (2000).

21 Id.

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percent in the same period to 85,093 acres.22 Agricultural land in Miami-Dade County is

considered to be among the most threatened in the nation. 23

Government agencies have played a significant role in the purchase of agricultural

land for conservation purposes. Between 1975 and 1998 over 10,300 acres of farmland

were purchased by governmental agencies, in particular by the South Florida Water

Management District (SFWMD). In 2000 it is estimated that the SFWMD leased

approximately 5,000 acres to private individuals.24

C. Economic Impact of Agricultural Land

Florida ranks in the top 10 states in total market agricultural value and its market

value per acre of farmland is also among one of the top ten producing states.25 The total

economic impact from all agricultural sales originating in Miami-Dade County exceeded

$1.07 billion for the 1997-98 crop year. Fresh vegetable production was the largest

contributor to this total with nearly $491 million, or 45.6 percent of the total. The

greenhouse/nursery industry was responsible for nearly 41 percent or $439.8 million of

the total economic impact. Although sales revenues generated by nurseries and

greenhouses exceeded revenues for vegetables by over $7 million during this period, a

greater proportion of vegetables are shipped outside the County, thereby generating more

"new" dollars and a greater economic impact. Sales of tropical fruits produced in the

County created an economic impact of $137 million, representing about 12.7 percent of

agriculture’s value. Miscellaneous livestock sales, including aquaculture, generated an

economic impact of about $8.2 million, representing less than one percent (1%) of

agriculture's total economic impact.

Agriculture created an estimated 14,795 jobs in Miami-Dade County for 1997/98.

Agriculture's impact on earnings in Miami-Dade County totaled over $362 million for

1997-98. Approximately 46.5 percent, or $168 million, of this earnings impact was

generated by the vegetable industry. More than 42 percent, or approximately $153

million, was contributed by the greenhouse and nursery subsector. The tropical fruit

subsector generated nearly $41 million (11.2 percent) and miscellaneous livestock was

responsible for $450 thousand (0.12 percent) of agricultural earnings impact for Miami-

Dade County in 1997.26

D. Growth Management Challenges

Miami- Dade County must establish alternative development patterns to encourage

managed growth and preserve values of agricultural land. Growth management

techniques must preserve the value of agricultural land, the environment, and

development rights while protecting urban viability and stability.

22 Id.

23 American Farmland Trust, Farming on the Edge (1997) available at

http://www.farmlandinfo.org/cae/foe2/ (July 31, 2002).

24 DEGNER, supra note 20, at x.

25 American Farmland Trust, supra note 23.

26 DEGNER, supra note 20, at x-xi.

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Implementation of a program must be legally defensible. Statutorily, local

government is required to protect and preserve land and to mitigate impacts on

environmental lands.27 However, in fulfillment of state mandate, private property rights

advocates may view any scheme that reduces land values as a taking under the Fifth

Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, the Florida Constitution, or the Bert J. Harris Act.28

Governments must balance the need to protect health, welfare and safety with the

guarantee for compensation for land that is taken for public purposes. The land use

program for Miami-Dade County must strive to strike equilibrium between these

competing interests.

Agricultural preservation must be part of a wider comprehensive planning

program. Community input is vital to enhance the quality of planning. Agricultural

landowners bring specific information about their needs to the table. In the long run, a

plan that combines planning and agricultural knowledge will enhance the quality of the

plan. An extensive public input process will also help to avoid unnecessary contention

between self-interested parties, including urban and agricultural dwellers and the

government. An effective public input process allows interests to resolve their

differences prior to adoption of any plan, and to ensure that the plan addresses the needs

of different groups.

III. AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL LAND POLICIES AND IMPLEMENTATION TECHNIQUES

This section focuses on techniques for agriculture and rural land retention. The

underlying goal is to: (1) achieve preservation of the lands most suitable for future

agricultural use; (2) achieve preservation of agricultural land values; and (3) preserve the

rural character of the area.

A. Agricultural Zoning

Zoning is the most utilized technique for preserving agriculture and rural lands.

Zoning land exclusively for agricultural uses prevents residential subdivisions while

simultaneously creating a holding zone to restrict urban expansion. 29

Miami- Dade County has a specific zone, an AU zone, that allows agricultural and

related uses including packing facilities, outdoor storage of farming equipment, farming,

cattle grazing, hog and dairy farms (but only after approval at a public hearing),

nurseries, greenhouses, groves, truck gardens, single-family homes, schools, day cares,

and group homes. Minimum lot size for a residential lot is five acres.

27 Julian Conrad Juergensmeyer, James C. Nichols, & Brian D. Leebrick, Transferable Development Rights

and Alternatives After Suitum, 30 URB. LAW. 441, 443 (1998).

28 Id.

29 ROBERT H. FREILICH, FROM SPRAWL TO SMART GROWTH: SUCCESSFUL LEGAL, PLANNING, AND

ENVIRONMENTAL SYSTEMS 284 (American Bar Association 1999).

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1. Area Based Zoning

Fixed area based zoning allows for one dwelling unit for a specified number of

acres. For example, the zoning ordinance in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania (See Task

2(c) Report) allows for one non-farm lot for every 50 acres. A non- farm lot subdivided

from its parent tract must be at least one acre, but not more than two.30 Similarly, the

quarter-quarter approach operates by splitting off land from the parent parcel, and

establishing a maximum or minimum parcel size for building lots. 31

Sliding scale zoning is another agricultural protection technique in which the

number of dwelling units permitted varies with the size of the tract. Owners of smaller

parcels may divide their land into more lots on a per-acre basis than owners of larger

parcels.32 Sliding scale zoning may also be used by qualitatively assessing land. For

example, Clinton County, Indiana allows denser development on lands with poor soil

quality and prohibits development on lands with high soil quality. 33

The rationale behind sliding scale zoning is to promote development on smaller

tracts that are on less valuable soil while prohibiting development on fertile, soil rich

lands.34 High-density development also satisfies the legal requirement that municipalities

permit some economically viable use of land when farming is not profitable.35

Critics of area based zoning suggest that a successful program must require that

properties be restricted with conservation easements to prevent further development after

the maximum density is reached.36 Communities that do not require conservation

easements or some other type of deed restriction will be in danger of losing the land to

non-agricultural uses in the future. The other potential problem with area based zoning is

that, like any zoning ordinance, it only exists as long as the political will to maintain and

enforce it exists. Communities must be willing to commit to this type of zoning over an

extended period of time for it to be successful.

On the other hand, this type of zoning is a very inexpensive way to protect land

because little public expenditure is necessary. Compared to other programs such as

TDRs or PDRs (discussed below), zoning can be implemented very quickly, and,

furthermore, the public is accustomed to these traditional zoning techniques.

2. Large Lot Zoning

Some communities have tried to slow rapid growth patterns by requiring rural

land to be subdivided into lots no smaller than five or more acres, with the intention that

30 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , SAVING AMERICAN FARMLAND: WHAT WORKS 59 (1997).

31 METROPOLITAN MIAMI-DADE COUNTY PLANNING DEPARTMENT & METROPOLITAN MIAMI-DADE

COUNTY COOPERATIVE EXTENSION DEPARTMENT, MANAGEMENT OPTIONS EVALUATED FOR THE

RETENTION OF LAND FOR AGRICULTURE IN DADE COUNTY, FLORIDA 76 (1981).

32 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30, at 317

33 Id.

34 Id. at 60.

35 Id. at 60.

36 Id. at 59.

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larger parcels will maintain lower density and rural character. The intent also is to

protect water quality and environmental resources. As a rule of thumb, the minimum lot

size created is the amount of land necessary to carry on a successful farming operation,

thus, lot sizes reflect the economic reality of agriculture.37

Though large lot zoning was a traditional strategy to protect farmland in the 1970s

and 80s, the resulting development of subdivisions has suggested that it may not be the

most effective strategy. The main problem is that the lot size is not large enough to

discourage development, yet is too small for effective agriculture.38

Large lot zoning, therefore, is widely criticized for promoting sprawl and the

degradation of farmland. Large-lot zoning essentially converts farms and valued open

space into private property and large lawns, where little community open space is

preserved, and neighbors are isolated from each other by their islands of unproductive

private land. The resulting pattern becomes "wall- to-wall" subdivision, where every

portion of each parcel is developed into yards, roads, and driveways.39 Many property

owners object to large lot zoning because, they allege, “low- and moderate-income

homebuyers are excluded from this sector of the housing market”. 40 Some critics have

dubbed large lot zoning “snob zoning”.41

3. Cluster Zoning

Cluster zoning utilizes development on part of a property while preserving the

remainder for open space and/or agricultural uses. Cluster zoning requires more

creativity in urban site design and protects on-site amenities or environmentally sensitive

areas. 42 Cluster zoning is also known as “open space zoning” or “density zoning,” and

cluster subdivisions are sometimes known as “cluster developments”, “open space” or

“open land subdivisions”. 43 Cluster zoning may allow variable lot sizes, setbacks,

landscaping, densities, and design standards.

Clustering may be accomplished by the use of a particular zoning district that

establishes a fixed or sliding scale area-based dwelling unit allocation and requires

clustering on a portion of the site. Clustering can be used in conjunction with existing

zoning and allowed as an optional or density bonus. 44 For example, in the Hammocks, a

clustered residential development in Florida, single-family housing was built by creating

green spaces within neighborhoods and a greenway system between the neighborhoods

37 METROPOLITAN MIAMI-DADE COUNTY PLANNING DEPARTMENT , supra note 31, at 73.

38 TOM DANIELS, WHEN CITY AND COUNTY COLLIDE: MANAGING GROWTH IN THE METROPOLITAN FRINGE

217 (Island Press 1999).

39 Jackson Meadow, Ecology of the Cluster Model, available at

http://www.jacksonmeadow.com/brochure/brochure/brochure_3.htm (August 1, 2002).

40 The Greenbelt Education Project, How to Keep the Country in the Lowcountry, available at

http://www.charleston.net/org/greenbelt/tools.html (August 1, 2002).

41 Executive Order 418 Housing Certification Commonwealth Of Massachusetts Fy2002, available at

http://www2.massdhcd.com/e418portal/ CommReport02.asp?MNO=317&FY=2002 (August 2, 2002).

42 METROPOLITAN MIAMI-DADE COUNTY PLANNING DEPARTMENT , supra note 31, at 77.

43 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30, at 33.

44 METROPOLITAN MIAMI-DADE COUNTY PLANNING DEPARTMENT supra note 31, at 77.

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and lakes. The Hammocks was also able to double their gross density to an average net

density of 11.5 units per acre.45

Cluster zoning may require the landowner of a tract of land to identify the

building lots and the open space to be preserved, or it may simply require that a certain

percentage of land remain as open space dedicated to agricultural uses. The protected

land is usually owned and maintained by a homeowners association. Permitted land uses

are either identified in the existing zoning or limited by cluster development regulations.

For example, one model ordinance permits residential uses such as clustered single

family houses, single family farmstead dwellings, and community living arrangements

and agricultural/open space uses such as farming (i.e. crops, farming, and livestock),

Christmas tree farming and sales, and passive recreational spaces (i.e. wildlife sanctuaries

and nature preserves).46 Other communities, like Larimer County, Colorado, offer a

system of incentives and benefits that gives local administrators and land owners

flexibility to tailor land use requirements to the particularities of individual parcels of

property. 47

However, the most effective clustering ordinances are those that are mandatory. 48

When clustering and open space preservation are left optional, few developers take

advantage of the approach. Most continue as they have always done: creating

checkerboards of house lots and streets. This means that even though the clustering

option is in the zoning ordinance, it remains essentially unused. The community is still

left with conventional development patterns which destroy agricultural areas.49

Though cluster zoning can keep land available for agriculture or open space, it is

generally not a viable technique for commercial agriculture.50 The protected land is

generally owned by a homeowners association, and while homeowners may lease it back

to local farmers, some residents may object to allowing agricultural production because

of noise, dust, and odors related to commercial farming.51 Utilization of right-to-farm

laws (discussed below) will help. One solution creates an ordinance that requires

homeowners to lease the land back to local farmers, while limiting the type and scale of

agriculture on the property, or ensuring that farmers who sell development rights to

homeowners retain title to continue farming.52 In general, cluster zoning has been used

most successfully to preserve open space or to create transitional areas between farms

and residential areas.53

45 Sprawlwatch, Land Use Planning and Zoning, available at

http://www.sprawlwatch.org/landuseandplanning.html (August 1, 2002).

46 Southeastern Wisconsin Regional Planning Commission, Model Zoning Ordinance for Rural Cluster

Development, available at http://www.sewrpc.org/modelordinances/cluster_ordinance.pdf (August 1,

2002).

47 E. Tyson Smith & Philip Moffat, An Analysis of the Development and Planning Alternatives to Protect

the Character of Eastern Sarasota County while Minimizing Adverse Impacts on Taxpayers 32 (January

2000) (unpublished manuscript, on file with the University of Florida Conservation Clinic).

48 Id. at 32 (referencing SAMUEL N. STOKES, ET AL., SAVING AMERICAS COUNTRYSIDE 182 (2nd Ed. 1997)).

49 Randall Arendt, “Open Space” Zoning: What it is and Why it Works, 5 PLAN. COMMISSION J. 4 (1992),

available at (http://www.plannersweb.com/articles/are015.html#mandatory) (August 2, 2002).

50 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30 at 33.

51 Id.

52 Smith, supra note 47, at 31.

53 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30 at 33.

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Critics of cluster zoning argue that it actually results in “clustered sprawl”.54

Critics also argue that cluster zoning is environmentally unsound because cluster

development works best with urban infrastructure, but the remote location requires onsite

septic tanks. Failing septic systems require the extension of water and sewer lines,

which opens farmland up to more development.55 Finally, cluster development sometimes

is criticized based on the simple presumption that residential and agricultural uses cannot

exist in close proximity without unacceptable conflict.56 Clearly, as mentioned above,

certain conflicts must be addressed. Crop dusting and spraying, for example, require that

significant buffers between crops and clustered homes be maintained.

Critics of clustering worry that this technique will cause loss of rural character.

However, subdivisions designed with this concern in mind can mitigate, if not eliminate,

this concern. For example, instead of having separate driveways onto the arterial roads,

creating a more urban feel, a subdivision could be designed so the entire tract is set back

from the main road, and only one access point exists to the road, with houses accessing a

loop or networks of small streets. Those streets should be gravel and narrower than

traditional urban subdivisions to create a rural neighborhood feel.

Subdivisions also should be buffered from the street with extensive landscape

material; perhaps so well-buffered that passing motorists are not aware that the houses

exist. If there are wooded or heavily landscaped areas, the cluster should locate within

the wooded areas

The design of the building within the community can also reduce any concerns.

Houses can be designed to connote a small town feeling instead of the spreading suburbs.

Architects may design homes with human proportions, local architectural styles, local

materials, and other techniques to connect the house to the particular community.57

Clustered developments are allowed in Miami-Dade County under its Zoning

Code.58 Cluster developments must be single-family dwelling units and common areas

are allowed within the zone, including any associated structures.

4. Buffering

Buffering is the physical separation of farms from incompatible uses, usually by

landscape, open space, or other barriers. Buffers are narrow bands of land planted with

permanent vegetation that are located around and in areas of intensive agricultural

production. 59 Buffers help safeguard farms from trespassers and protect adjacent

54 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 219.

55 Id.

56 Id. at 219.

57 RANDALL ARENDT ET AL., RURAL BY DESIGN: MAINTAINING SMALL TOWN CHARACTER 62 (Planners

Press 1994).

58 MIAMI-DADE COUNTY ORDINANCES 33-284.6-.9.

59 National Conservation Buffer Council, Conservation Buffers: Showing Stewardship, Protecting

Productivity, available at http://www.buffercouncil.org/ (August 1, 2002).

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homeowners from the externalities of commercial farming.60 Field borders, grass buffers,

contour grass strips, grassed waterways, and vegetative borders, are several types of

buffers which serve to minimize conflicts between residential and agricultural users. 61

Buffers are advantageous for many other reasons. Buffers create havens for

wildlife. Buffers are visible, tangible examples of land stewardship.62 Buffers enhance

quality of life by providing open space in a community and enhancing the value of land

conservation. Environmentally, buffers slow down water runoff from fields and block

suspended chemicals, pathogens, and sediment from reaching water bodies.63

Buffering places the responsibility for construction and maintenance upon the

farm owner, the adjacent homeowners or a third party. The Georgia Model Code, for

example, requires any non-agricultural use locating next to an agricultural use to provide

a 150 foot agricultural buffer.64 The buffer must consist of trees, hedges, landscaping,

and naturally occurring elements as long as there is a semi-opaque screen between the

agricultural and non-agricultural uses.65 Many California localities similarly require

agricultural setbacks. In San Luis Obispo County the buffer is mandatory and ranges

from 100 to 800 feet depending on the type of agricultural use to be protected. In

Sacramento County the buffer is mandatory and generally requires a physical separation

of 300 to 500 feet. In Stanislaus County the buffer is mandatory and can be

topographical, vegetative or other and is determined on a site-by-site basis.66

Some buffers are not mandatory but are farmer initiated. In Suffield, Connecticut

an individual farmer may request a buffer with a width of 30 to 100 feet. The buffer is

located on the parcel to be developed and maintained by the developer. The law also

requires that lot owners be notified that they are responsible for buffer maintenance and

that subdivision plans include a provision for active agriculture and recognize agricultural

practices that may annoy or irritate residents.67

The Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS), of the United State

Department of Agriculture (USDA), promotes the development of buffers by farmers

themselves. The NRCS leads the National Conservation Buffer Initiative, a multiyear

effort undertaken by the USDA. The goal of the initiative is to encourage the use of

conservation buffers by farmers, ranchers, and other landowners as a means of improving

soil, water, and air quality while enhancing fish and wildlife habitat, and adding to the

60 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30, at 318.

61 National Conservation Buffer Council, Conservation Buffers: Showing Stewardship, Protecting

Productivity, available at http://www.buffercouncil.org/ (August 1, 2002).

62 Id.

63 Id.

64 Georgia Department of Community Affairs, Model Code: Alternatives to Conventional Zoning:

Agricultural and Buffer Requirements §4-3 (April 2002), available at

http://www.dca.state.ga.us/planning/ModelCode/4-3AgriculturalBuffer.pdf (August 1, 2002).

65 Id.

66 Farmland Preservation Report, Farmland Programs Neglect Buffer Protections, Volume12, Number 4,

(February 2002).

67 Id.

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beauty and diversity of farms and ranches across the country. 68 Farmers can receive

assistance through the Conservation Reserve Program and other federal, state, and local

government programs to help with the cost of implementing buffer practices. These other

programs include the Environmental Quality Incentives Program, Wildlife Habitat

Incentives Program, Wetlands Reserve Program, and Stewardship Incentive Program. 69

A significant challenge with buffers is enforcement. Though ordinances may

require buffers, they are not always enforced. Buffering ordinances can be effective as

long as local government has subdivision review authority to impose the buffer

requirement and that they are enforced once in place. Placing the buffer restriction in the

landowner’s title will assure adequate legal notice to the individual land owner

responsible.70

Successful buffer ordinances cannot be standard; each buffer must be site based

and locally determined. A draft report from a California research group indicates that in

some cases structural barriers are actually more effective than swathes of open space.

Under this scenario, an ordinance must determine the structural barrier and establish a

source of payment for repairs and maintenance 71

5. Overall Benefits and Drawbacks of Agricultural Zoning

Overall, the aforementioned zoning techniques are an inexpensive way to protect

large areas of agricultural land because little public expenditure is necessary to

implement zoning ordinances. Communities also favor agricultural zoning ordinances

because they are easy and quick to implement as compared to TDR or PDR programs

(discussed below) and easy to explain to the public who are accustomed to zoning

ordinances. They also separate farms from non-agricultural land uses, and reduce the

likelihood of conflicts between farmers and non- farming neighbors. Finally, agricultural

zoning is flexible in that it can change wit h the economic or political climate.72

Critics of agricultural zoning suggest that such programs are not permanent.

While flexibility may be a benefit it is also a drawback because large agricultural parcels

may quickly be converted to developable parcels. Similarly, agricultural preservation

ordinances do not prevent annexation by municipalities (unless annexation is forbidden

on agricultural lands). Many successful agricultural zoning programs have a mandatory

deed restriction or easement requirement to prevent conversion when annexation occurs.

These ordinances also generally decrease land values, which decreases a farmer’s equity

in land. For this reason, many farmers oppose these programs. Finally, such programs

may be difficult to monitor and enforce on a day-to-day basis.73

68 United State Department of Agriculture, Farm Preservation Report: Buffers, Common-Sense

Conservation, available at

http://www.nrcs.usda.gov/feature/buffers/BufrsPub.html#InitiativeBuff_7Anchor (August 1, 2002).

69 Id.

70 Farmland Preservation Report, supra note 66, at 2.

71 Id. at 3.

72 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30, at 50.

73 Id.

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B. Non-Zoning Techniques

1. Right-to-farm Laws

Since 1963, every state in the nation has enacted a right-to-farm law. 74 Right-tofarm

laws are state laws or local ordinances that protect farmers and farm operations from

public and private nuisance law suits.75 The right-to-farm laws strengthen the legal

position of farmers against nuisance suits by their neighbors, and protect farmers from

anti-nuisance ordinances and unreasonable agricultural regulations.76 Right-to- farm laws

do not protect farmers from state and federal pollution and safety laws, but do underscore

the legitimacy of farm uses.77

State right-to- farm statutes can be broken into three groups. First, general rightto-

farm statutes provide that a farming operation cannot be declared a nuisance if it was

not a nuisance at the time the operation began. 78 This type of statute is also termed a

“coming to the nuisance” statute. It gives farmers a legal defense from residents moving

to the area who claim to be harmed by the off-site impacts of agriculture.79 The second

type of statute protects specific types of agriculture such as the cultivation of land,

production of crops, and raising of poultry. 80 These types of statutes protect farmers from

unreasonable local regulations. The third type of statute protects farmers and food

companies from suits over food safety. 81 Florida’s Right-to-Farm Act, which applies in

Miami- Dade County, is a general right-to- farm law.

Right-to-farm laws have not been extensively litigated, but this is likely to change

as the urban fringe creeps nearer to farmland and new residents file suits based on

trespass rather than based on nuisance.82 Plaintiffs may still file a nuisance suit against a

farmer regardless of the existence of right-to-farm laws. Though the plaintiff has a slim

chance of winning, the cost and aggravation of the suit may be detrimental to the farm.83

Thus, some statutes, for example Michigan, require plaintiffs to pay farmer’s costs in an

unsuccessful nuisance suit,84 while states such as Delaware, Iowa, Kentucky, Missouri,

New Mexico, South Dakota, and Wisconsin allow farmers to recover only for frivolous

suits.85

74 Id. at 169.

75 A public nuisance involves actions that injure the public at large, while private nuisances interfere with

an individual’s use of their property.

76 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30, at 169.

77 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 220.

78 DAVID L. CALLIES, ROBERT H. FREILICH, & THOMAS E. ROBERTS, CASES AND MATERIALS ON LAND USE

662 (3rd ed. 1999).

79 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 175 (citing NEIL HAMILTON, A LIVESTOCK PRODUCERS LEGAL GUIDE TO

NUISANCE, LAND USE CONTROL AND ENVIRONMENTAL LAW (Drake University Agricultural Law Center

1992)).

80 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 287.

81 Id.; Melody Petersen, Farmers’ Right to Sue Grows, Raising Debate on Food Safety, N.Y. Times, June 1,

1999 at A-1, col. 1.

82 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 150.

83 Id. at 151.

84 Id.

85 Id. at 176-79.

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Right-to-farm laws are effective when metropolitan areas begin to encroach on

outlying farm communities.86 They make urban dwellers that want a rural lifestyle

rethink their decision when animal waste, airborne pollution, odors, slow-moving farm

machines on roads, and roosters crowing at the crack of dawn disturb their “rural

tranquility”.87 Without such laws, public law nuisance suits may succeed. As a political

matter these ordinances also encourage elected officials to minimize ordinances that are

intrusive on farming. Nonetheless, these laws do not prevent the ultimate problem of

incompatibility of uses, which must be addressed through strict environmental

enforcement and well-designed agricultural districts. Another resolution is to allow for

payment of damages instead of cessation of activities.88

One County Commissioner in Larimer County, Colorado suggested a creative

“right-to- farm” provision. He drafted the Code of the West, which provides advice for

people thinking of buying land in the rural part of Larimer County’s metropolitan region.

The introduction says:

It is important for you to know that life in the country is different from life in the

city. County governments are not able to provide the same level of service that

city governments provide. To that end, we are providing you with the following

information to help you make an educated and informed decision about whether

to purchase rural land.89

The Code of the West then goes on to describe the realities of country life,

including slow tractors, that some lots are not buildable, that farmers work around the

clock and that animals and manure can cause objectionable odors.90

Right-to-farm laws strengthen growth management techniques such as clustering.

In a recent case, Whitted v. Canyon County Board of Commissioners,91 the Iowa Supreme

Court concluded that right-to-farm laws encourage full and complete use of agricultural

land, yet are still compatible with growth management techniques. A farmer proposed a

small subdivision on a portion of his farm with rocky, poor farmland. He intended to

continue farming the rest of the land. Neighbors appealed the approval of the subdivision

claiming it would deprive them of full use of their agricultural land. The court disagreed

and concurred with the county’s land use board, stating “[by] allowing development…the

development pressure on land more conducive to agriculture would be lessened.

Further…requiring deed restrictions and marketing disclosures would aid in preserving

the agricultural nature of the surrounding area.”92

Section 33-28.1 of the Miami-Dade County Zoning Code requires agricultural

disclosures for any land that is either designated Agriculture (AU), or zoned Interim (GU)

(outside UDB only) and determined to be subject to AU trends of development or located

within the UDB and abuts any AU zoned parcel. The seller of such property must inform

86 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 287.

87 Id.

88 See e.g. Boomer v. Atlantic Cement Co., Inc., 40 N.Y.S.2d 97 (N.Y.Sup. 1972).

89 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 275.

90 Id. at 275-78.

91 44 P.3d 1173 (Idaho 2002).

92 Id. at 1178.

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the buyer that the land or adjacent land is zoned agricultural and that there are associated

noises, pollutants, and activities that might be offensive to the buyer.

The Florida Right-to-Farm-Act prohibits farms in operation for a year or more

from being declared either a public or private nuisance, except under very limited

circumstances. In order to enjoy protection under the Act, however, the farm must

continue to comply with “generally accepted agricultural and management practices”. 93

The Second District Court of Appeals for the State of Florida found that the right-to-farm

law was “intended to preserve productive land for agricultural purposes and to protect the

established farmer from demands of sprawling urban development.”94 However, very

little litigation has occurred pursuant to this law since its original adoption in 1979.

2. Agricultural Districting

Agricultural districting is different than agricultural zoning. Zoning only

addresses particular land uses and is one tool that can be used in an agricultural district.

Agricultural districting, on the other hand, allows farmers to form special areas

where commercial agriculture is encouraged and protected, establishing a broad array of

measures to encourage and protect agricultural activity in the district.95 Protective

measures may include bans on local government laws that restrict farming, enhanced

protection from private nuisance lawsuits, eligibility for differential tax assessment,

limiting non-farm development around active agricultural areas and conservation

easement programs.96 Pennsylvania created one of the most effective agricultural

districting programs in the country. The Pennsylvania law identifies five purposes for

agricultural districting: “(1) Encourage landowners to make a lo ng term commitment to

agriculture by offering them financial incentives and security of land use; (2) Protect

farms from incompatible uses; (3) Assure permanent conservation of agricultural land to

protect the agricultural economy; (4) Provide compensation to landowners for

development rights; and (5) Leverage state funds for the purchase of agricultural

conservation easements and protects [sic] the public investment in easements.”97

Agricultural districting programs are generally state-level programs. To date,

sixteen states have enacted agricultural district laws.98 Generally, state statutes establish a

process for identifying agricultural districts and designate geographical areas for long

term agriculture. State statutes also include a combination of measures and management

tools, as described above, to protect farmland. The requirements and provisions of the

programs differ greatly, but general conclusions can be drawn. The programs are flexible

and local in nature, stabilize the land base at a low public cost, provide multiple benefits

93 Fla. Stat. 823.14.

94 Pasco County v. Tampa Farm Service, Inc., 573 So. 2d 909 (2nd DCA 1990).

95 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST, supra note 30, at 197; METROPOLITAN MIAMI-DADE COUNTY PLANNING

DEPARTMENT , supra note 31, at 94.

96 Id.

97 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30, at 201.

98 Id. at 197.

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to farmers, help protect large blocks of land, and enrollment is voluntary. 99 In contrast,

drawbacks associated with agricultural districting include the fact that sanctions for

withdrawing land are minimal and do not deter conversion; the limits on non-farm

development may not prohibit the development of urban infrastructure in agricultural

areas; in some states, the benefits are not a strong enough incentive for farmers to enroll;

and, in others, the procedure for creating the districts is long and cumbersome.100 Florida

does not have a similar state law, but that does not preclude Miami-Dade County from

implementing some agricultural districting measures typical in state- level programs.

New York has one of the most successful agricultural districting programs in the

nation, in part because it is aimed at preserving farmland through maintaining and

fostering farming itself. By granting a series of benefits that provide more favorable

social and economic conditions, the program encourages an environment that is more

beneficial for agriculture. Support from elected officials also has helped to create an

agriculture- friendly atmosphere. For example, the legislature passed an act that declares

agricultural land to be an “environmental resource of major importance”.101

In addition to creating an agricultural districting program, the New York program

also includes provisions that prohibit local nuisance ordinances from interfering with

normal farm operations; requires agency review of development which induces

infrastructure expansion; requires alternative consideration for public development

proposals that bring agricultural lands into the hands of the municipality through eminent

domain; allows for tax incentive programs; and directs all state agencies to maintain

viable agricultural districts.102

3. Land Evaluation Systems

The land evaluation and site assessment system (LESA) was launched in 1981 by

the U.S. Soil Conservation Service to make objective ratings of the agricultural suitability

of lands against demands for other uses.103 LESA effectively rates a tract’s potential for

agriculture, as well as other social and economic factors.104 Though the federal

government developed LESA, state and local governments have adopted it to meet their

specific needs, and it has become part of many governments’ land use planning tools.105

LESA enables the planning of water, sewer, and transportation projects or the creation of

agricultural districts, and the assessment and review of environmental impacts. 106

99 Shirley Sternamen & Elizabeth Mumby, New York State: Protecting Farming with Agricultural Districts

77, 80, in PLOWING THE URBAN FRINGE: AN ASSESSMENT OF ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES TO FARMLAND

PRESERVATION (Hal Hiemstra & Nancy Bush wick, eds., 1989).

100 Id.

101 Id. at 86.

102 Id. at 80; see also N.Y. AGRI. & MKTS. LAW § 300 et. Seq. (1988 Cum. Supp.).

103 Frederick R. Steiner, Introduction, in A DECADE WITH LESA: THE EVOLUTION OF LAND EVALUATION

AND SITE ASSESSMENT 13 (Frederick R. Steiner, James R. Pease & Robert E. Coughlin eds., 1994).

104 Id.

105 Id.

106 Lloyd E. Wright, The Development and Status of LESA, in A DECADE WITH LESA: THE EVOLUTION OF

LAND EVALUATION AND SITE ASSESSMENT 36, supra note 103.

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LESA’s land evaluation and site assessment elements form a two-part system that

assists in the implementation of the Farmland Protection Policy Act (FPPA), selecting

appropriate lands to be included in the program, and establishing minimum parcel sizes

for farm subdivisions in agricultural districts.107 The land evaluation part of LESA is

usually designed by the federal Soil Conservation Service (SCS) and local Soil and Water

Conservation Districts (SWCD), and implemented by a local committee generally

comprised of a district conservationist, a cooperative extension representative, SWCD

directors, farmers, planners, local agricultural officials, and others who have knowledge

of the land resources of the area.108

Local officials or a locally appointed site assessment committee usually design

the site assessment component.109 Site assessment factors include parcel size; on-farm

investment; and characteristics external to the parcel of land, such as nearby land uses,

zoning, and other farmland protection measures.110 A local committee may include local

planners, members of the planning commission, SWCD directors, a cooperative

extension representative, building industry representatives, recreational representatives,

public interest groups, concerned citizens, and other government representatives

interested in agricultural preservation. 111

LESA is a flexible system, designed to accommodate differences among states,

counties, or areas. Specific systems should be based on existing knowledge of the area,

local soil surveys, land use plans, policies, and programs. LESA may be applied

consistently to all lands or on a case-by-case basis.112 LESA may be used to accomplish

the following objectives:113

i. Select lands to be part of a TDR or PDR program;

ii. Implement the federal Farmland Protection Policy Act;

iii. Choose farm units to be included in agricultural preservation programs;

iv. Determine appropriate lot size for subdivisions in agricultural districts;

v. Plan water, sewer, and transportation projects or the creation of

agricultural districts;

vi. Determine the need for an agricultural preservation program and the types

of programs to be used;

vii. Assess and review environmental impacts; and

viii. Develop guidelines under which agricultural land conversion to nonagricultural

uses should be permitted.

A 1990-91 study identified 212 local and state governments in 31 states as active

or former users of LESA. 114 Of these 212 jurisdictions, 138 local and state governments

were still using the system in 1994. Those who abandoned the sys tem found it too

107 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 286.

108 WRIGHT, supra note 106, at 35.

109 Id.

110 Id.

111 Id. at 35-36.

112 Id. at 36.

113Id.

114 Id. at 58 referencing Steiner, F., J Pease, R. Coughlin, J. Leach, C. Shaw, A. Sussman, and J. Pressley.

Agricultural Land Evaluation and Site Assessment: Status of State and Local Programs (The Herberger

Center 1991).

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complicated or time consuming; some noted a lack of interest or support by landowners

or planners.115 The unreliability may be attributed to technical problems with a particular

LESA system, staffing inadequacies, or local political factors.116 Seventy- nine percent of

respondents were satisfied with the LESA system.

Miami-Dade County does not have a LESA program, but other counties in Florida

– Highlands, Marion, and Pasco, for example – have utilized LESA. Although soil

quality, a major factor under LESA, is not as relevant in Miami-Dade County, other

LESA criteria will be useful should the County adopt prioritization criteria to implement

the preferred development scenario.

C. Land Acquisition Programs

1. Conservation Easements

A conservation easement (or conservation restriction) is a voluntary legal

agreement between a landowner and a land trust or government agency that permanently

limits uses of land in order to protect its conservation values. It allows a landowner to

continue to own and use their land and to sell it or pass it on to heirs.117 Each easement is

tailored to meet the owner’s personal management objectives and goals for the property.

In essence the landowner sells his or her right to develop the land to a

conservation organization or governmental entity. Current uses, including residential and

recreational uses, agriculture, forestry, and ranching can continue, although the easement

might require the protection of some environmental and aesthetic qualities of the

property. 118

Placing an easement may result in property tax savings and can be essential for

passing land on to the next generation. By removing the land's development potential,

the easement lowers its market value, which in turn lowers estate taxes. Whether the

easement is donated during life or by will, it can make a critical difference in the heirs'

ability to keep the land intact.119

2. Purchase of Development Rights

In a typical purchase of development rights (PDR) program, the government

purchases the owner’s right to develop specific parcels of land for managerial purposes,

leaving the owner all the rights of ownership.120 One form of PDR commonly used for

agricultural preservation is a purchase of conservation easements (PACE).121 Landowners

115 Id. at 59.

116 Id.

117 Land Trust Alliance, Conservation Options for Landowners: Conservation Easements, available at

http://www.lta.org/conserve/options.htm (August 1, 2002).

118 University of Florida, Conservation Easements, available at

http://www.sfrc.ufl.edu/Extension/ffws/ce.htm (August 2, 2002).

119 Id.

120 See Thompson, Purchase of Development Rights: Ultimate Tool for Farmland Preservation?, 12

ZONING & PLAN. L. REP. 153 (1989).

121 The term PDR will encompass PACE for the remainder of this paper.

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sell conservation easements to governments or other private conservation agencies. The

price of the development right is generally equal to the diminution in the market value of

the land resulting from the removal of the development rights, and thus is the difference

between the value of the land for agricultural use or open space and the land’s

development value.122 In return for the payment, the landowner agrees to use the land for

open space or agriculture in perpetuity, though some programs allow termination of the

condition under certain restrictions.123

PDRs are designed to be voluntary. Offering an incentive to land owners may

convince them to resist selling their land for a potentially high price to subdivision

developers. In short, purchasing development rights is cheaper than buying the land in

fee simple.

State and local governments may cooperate on PDR programs or work

independently. Some states have enacted PDR programs that are funded, implemented,

and administered by state agencies. Other states fund the purchase of land by either local

governments or non-profit organizations.124 Cooperative programs are advantageous

because they allow the state to set broad policies and implement regional planning

strategies. Local governments, with their specific knowledge of the area, then identify

land suitable for the PDR program and monitor the land once the easements are in

place.125 Cooperative programs generally increase the level of funding available for

PDRs.

According to the American Farmland Trust, PDR programs are very popular with

farmers, yet the supply of money has lagged behind the supply of easements offered by

farmers. PDR programs are popular with farmers because they offer enticing incentives.

PDR programs increase the availability of real capital to farmers without mortgaging

land; lower real property taxes due to the decrease in the value of the land once the

development rights have been sold; and there are potential estate or inheritance tax

benefits.126 PDR programs offer a more permanent solution than zoning and avoid the

takings challenges that hamper zoning efforts.127

On the downside, some landowners reject PDR programs because they are

perceived as “tying the hands” of the landowners’ heirs, who may wish to sell the land

for development value.128 In addition, although buying development rights is cheaper

than buying the property outright, a PDR program is still cash intensive and communities

may reject PDR programs if they require local monetary support in the form of

development fees or taxes. In communities where taxes and fees are already levied for

schools, public safety, parks, infrastructure, and community programs, agricultural

122 FRANK SCHNIDMAN, MICHAEL SMILEY & ERIC G. WOODBURY, RETENTION OF LAND FOR AGRICULTURE:

POLICY PRACTICE AND POTENTIAL IN NEW ENGLAND 18 (Lincoln Institute for Land Policy 1990).

123 See, e.g., MASS. ADMIN. CODE Tit. 330 Section 22.10 or RI Gen Laws Section 42-82-5e.

124 See, e.g.,: Frank Schnidman, supra note 122, Rhode Island 204-5, Vermont 141-43, Connecticut 186,

Maine, 306 and Massachusetts 88-91.

125 Id.

126 PATRICIA E. SALKIN, ZONING AND LAND USE CONTROLS § 56.04[2] (2000).

127 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 223.

128 SALKIN, supra note 126, at § 56.04[2].

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preservation may fall by the wayside unless there is heightened community awareness of

the necessity of preserving agricultural lands.129

Successful PDR programs must be carefully designed and include a set of criteria

to determine from which lands the development rights should be purchased. The criteria

must take into account the location and surrounding uses of the land. PDR programs

make sense if hundreds of acres can be preserved (either through contiguous smaller

parcels or a few large parcels) because it makes it more likely that commercial farms will

be successful.130 If only smaller amounts of farmland can be preserved, the adjacent land

may be a magnet for housing developers who market “rural lifestyles” and the conflict

between farming and residential uses will be maximized.131 Additionally, the costs of

land in PDR programs must be reasonable and should be balanced against the likelihood

that land will remain in viable agricultural production for a certain amount of time.132 At

a high expense per acre, little farmland will be saved at enormous costs, and even then

the aforementioned issue arises of whether the farm will be big enough to sustain itself.133

Although Miami-Dade County has a viable “transferable development rights”

program (discussed below), known as “severable use rights” it does not have a PDR

program. The advantages of a PDR program are that the governing agency – or a

designated land trust – has greater control over which lands are identified for

preservation. The challenge, of course, is generating the funds to purchase development

rights. However, in communities that are experiencing a decrease in agricultural viability

and simultaneous increase in urban growth pressure, the ability to affirmatively secure

open space is critical to success. As is discussed in Task 2(c), this has proven to be the

case in many communities around the country that have successfully preserved

significant agriculture and open space lands. The Task 2(c) report explores five of these

communities and suggests ways that Miami-Dade County might successfully implement

similar regulatory approaches.

3. Land Banking

Land banking, also referred to as advance acquisition, is a technique where land is

purchased before it is ready to be developed.134 This requires the establishment of land

banks for the purpose of acquiring lands in urban areas where expansion is expected to

ensure that it is developed at the most advantageous time for the community.135 The land

banks are governmental units that could either purchase agricultural land in fee simple

and lease it back to farmers or only purchase the development rights.136

129 RICK PRUETZ, SAVED BY DEVELOPMENT: PRESERVING ENVIRONMENTAL AREAS, FARMLAND AND

HISTORIC LANDMARKS WITH TRANSFER OF DEVELOPMENT RIGHTS 69 (Arje Press 1997).

130DANIELS, supra note 38, at 224.

131 Id.

132 SALKIN, supra note 126, § 56.04[2].

133 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 224; see also the discussion of Suffolk County in Task 2(c).

134 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 171.

135 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 290.

136 FREILICH, supra note 5, at 42.

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Land banks are advantageous because they allow for better control over timing

and type of development, and discourage land speculation and leapfrog development.137

Also, by giving public officials a more personal interest in property and its regulation, it

helps promote sounder planning practices such as unrestricted, flexible comprehensive

plans. A land bank is flexible because it controls the land being sold and bought.138

A successful land bank must have the power to purchase property and condemn

land.139 A land bank should be granted the power to hold land for an indefinite amount of

time so that the land bank can pace development appropriately. A land bank must also

have the power to borrow money, issue bonds, and obtain government aid.140 The major

drawback to this technique is the expense.

The legality of land banking has been questioned, and the U. S. Supreme Court

has not established a bright line rule.141 Both state and federal courts have declared that if

the purpose of condemning the land has a reasonable relationship to the purpose of

protecting open space and environmental lands, then the taking is for a public use and

legitimate.142 Land banking is more likely to be upheld by courts than other planning

controls because it is a reasonable means of fulfilling a public purpose, particularly where

purchases are made consistent with the explicit policies of an adopted comprehensive

plan.

4. Transfer of Development Rights

Transfer of development rights (TDR) programs – called “Severable Use Rights”

in Miami-Dade – allow for planning on an area wide basis by allowing landowners in

restricted areas (“sending areas”) to transfer densities and other development rights to

landowners in areas appropriate for higher density development (“receiving areas”).143

Landowners in receiving zones are allowed to develop their land but only if they

purchase development rights from designated sending areas. Thus, development is

directed away from agricultural or environmentally sensitive lands to areas better

equipped to deal with heavy development.144 TDR programs give governments an

alternative to purchasing land outright and ameliorate the harshness of restrictive

zoning.145

TDR programs are popular with citizens and governments because the goal is to

have an “everyone wins” outcome.146 The sending site landowner is able to continue

farming without development pressures but with the benefits from the sale of the rights.

137 DANIELS, supra note 38 at 171.

138 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 291.

139 Id.

140 Id.

141 Id. at 292.

142 Id.

143 Id at 288.

144 Andrew J. Miller, Transferable Development Rights in the Constitutional Landscape: Has Penn Central

Failed to Weather the Storm? 39 Nat. Resources J. 459, 467.

145 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 288.

146 PRUETZ, supra note 129, at 3.

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The receiving site landowner is able to build at a greater density, and realizes the market

value of their land. The community benefits by preserving farmland without incurring

significant expense.147 Local governments particularly find these programs attractive

because:148

· They encourage increased densities in developed areas making full use of public

infrastructure;

· Increased density works together with the need to provide a fair share of

affordable housing;

· Often, private developers pay landowners, so no public monies are spent;

· Landowners receive compensation for the restrictions placed on their lands, thus

decreasing the likelihood of successful taking claims; and

· Local government can preserve a significant amount of land while funneling

growth into desired areas.

TDR programs are a market-based tool, thus municipalities must be certain there is a

market for the development rights being bought and sold. A municipality must, through a

comprehensive planning process, determine how many development rights are to be

bought and sold and where. A TDR program must encourage sales that benefit the entire

community, not just a few select landowners.149 The number of rights to be bought or

sold should be based on ecological and populations concerns; the more sprawling the

community, the more rights are required.150

Successful TDR programs include the following:

· Encouragement of sending area landowners to sell their development rights

through development restrictions, development constraints, and transfer ratios;151

· Encouragement of receiving area landowners by allowing the highest density

appropriate, exemption from certain fees, and exemption from certain

development standards;

· A clear separation between resource lands, existing development, and properties

planned for development;152

· An active real estate market to ensure buying and selling of rights;153

· Fast, easy and certain TDR approvals, including certain costs, and a clear,

discernible, and transparent process154

· A TDR bank or revolving fund that can help set a floor price for TDRs155

· Provision of public staff for implementation;

· Monitoring of program performance; and

· A flexible program that can be refined as needed.

TDR programs may be mandatory or voluntary. Mandatory programs are

designed to prevent fragmentation of farmland in a way that protects landowners’

147 Id.

148 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 225.

149 Id. at 51; FREILICH, supra note 29, at 289.

150 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 289.

151 PRUETZ, supra note 129, at 51.

152 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 226.

153 Id.

154 PRUETZ, supra note 129, at 58.

155 Id. at 61.

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equity. 156 Mandatory programs often feature dual zones with the down zoning of a

sending area and the designation of a receiving area. Landowners in the sending zones

are not required to sell their development rights, but may as a method of receiving

compensation for the down zoning. Similarly, receiving area landowners must buy

development rights to recognize the full economic potential of their land.157 Mandatory

development restrictions may include virtual prohibition of non-farm development in

agricultural areas through zoning, large minimum lot size, or restrictive requirements for

infrastruc ture.158 Local governments implementing mandatory programs must ensure that

adequate public facilities will be available in the receiving areas.159

Voluntary TDR programs allow landowners in sending areas to sell their

development rights to a party in a receiving area in lieu of development in the sending

area. There is no reduction in density in the sending area.160 Landowners in sending

areas may choose to develop parts of their property and sell off development rights on

another part, but this may lead to a large number of rural residences amid farmlands.161

Voluntary programs may be more attractive to local governments because they are less

politically controversial.

Successful TDR programs use a revolving fund where purchased development

rights are sold on the open market and the funds are reinvested in the purchase of new

development rights that will be banked. Communities that invest funds in areas other

than the purchase of development rights jeopardize their TDR program because only a

finite amount of money is available to purchase development rights.

However implemented, TDR programs must be designed to withstand legal

challenges. First, as discussed above, a market for development rights is critical. The

market will dictate whether a sending area is appropriate for down zoning or whether

such down zoning would leave no economically viable use for those property owners.

Designation of sending and receiving districts may also generate significant debate

(density in the sending areas is low, while density in the receiving areas is too high).

Next, zoning or the right to build in the receiving area should not be so restrictive so as to

force purchase of development rights for any type of development. Failure to allow some

use by right in the receiving district might be challenged as a taking.162

The Miami-Dade Board of County Commissioners adopted the East Everglades

Ordinance in 1981 that declares the Everglades an area of critical significance and

implements land use regulations that allow the transfer of development rights. The

programs is referred to as a severable use rights (SUR) program, because the right to

develop is “severed” from the sending property and transferred to a receiving property

more appropriate for development. The Miami-Dade County SUR program identifies

156 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST , supra note 30, at 128.

157 PRUETZ, supra note 129, at 128.

158 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 226.

159 PRUETZ, supra note 129, at 128.

160 Id.

161 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 226.

162 SALKIN, supra note 126, at § 56.04[3]; for further discussion of legal issues see Juergensmeyer, supra

note 27, and Miller, supra note 144.

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sending parcels within the East Everglades area and receiving parcels within the UDB.

The ratio for SURs varies from one SUR per five acres to one SUR per 40 acres.

The East Everglades Ordinance imposes strict environmental regulations within

the sending areas that include road standards and excavation limitations. As a result of

the environmental limitations and the density restrictions, landowners find it very

difficult and expensive to build in the East Everglades, providing incentives for them to

sell their development rights.

The receiving site may use the SURs to increase density, lot area, frontage, and

other development requirements on residential and commercial receiving sites in the

unincorporated parts of Miami-Dade County that are designated for urban development.

Sending zones are also eligible for a 10 percent reduction in the minimum lot size, a one

third reduction in the required front setback and an 18 percent increase in density.

Additional commercial floor area is allowed in commercial and office park zones.

Although initially of limited success, the success of the SUR program has

increased since 1995 because the Comprehensive Development Master Plan provides for

the use of SURs; the transfer ratios are high in certain areas; the ordinance has eighteen

different zones that can receive SURs; the administrative process is predictable and

uncomplicated; and the local government is supportive of the program. The Miami-Dade

County program is also successful because there is a substantial demand for additional

development in the area. Developers have found it cheaper to buy SURs than to buy

land. By the end of 1994, 213 SURs had been transferred to receiving sites.163

5. Florida Rural and Family Lands Protection Act

Passed by the Florida Legislature in 2001, the Rural and Family Lands Protection

Act (Act) allows the Department of Agriculture and Consumer Service (DACS) to protect

ranch and timber land by offering four options to willing land owners. DACS may:

· Purchase traditional permanent conservation easements;

· Purchase less restrictive rural land protection easements;

· Purchase agricultural easements, which are 30 year restrictions on development

and subdivision with an option for the government to buy the land; or

· Pay farmers to improve wildlife habitat and water resources on their land under a

permanent conservation easement.

While conservation easements are a familiar tool in Florida (see discussion above)

the Act is innovative in that it institutes options for varying degrees of restriction and

time parameters. It adds flexibility for both landowners and easement holders that was

not previously available. The Act is supported by the agricultural industry as a means to

keep family farms in business and realize value for their property while protecting the

property from subdivision and development.

While the Act passed in 2001, no funding has been set aside for the program. In

December of 2001, the DACS issued a legislative report that described the types of lands

163 PRUETZ, supra note 129, at 85.

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that would receive priority under the program. However, the 2002 and 2003 Legislatures

failed to allocate funds to the program. DACS had requested approximately $10 million

to fund the project. If future legislatures fund the program, this Act will significantly

impact local rural programs around the state, including Miami-Dade County. Funding

from the state- level can radically augment local efforts to preserve open space and rural

lands.164

D. Taxation Programs

The disparity between the market value of agricultural land for agriculture and for

other uses increases the pressure on farmers to sell their farms.165 To reduce the

temptation or need to sell many states have enacted legislation giving real property tax

deferments, preferences, or exemptions to the owners of agricultural or eligible land.

Besides agriculture, eligible uses might be open space or timber production. Tax

programs can be effective when used in tandem with other mechanisms. Though tax

incentives do reduce the tax pressure, they do not always reduce the development

pressure, as the capital gains for land development may still outweigh the property tax

incentive in some markets.166

The purpose of agricultural tax programs is to help farmers stay in business by

reducing their real property taxes; to treat farmers fairly by taxing farmland based on its

value for agriculture instead of its value for development; and to protect farmland by

easing the financial pressures that force some farmers to sell their land.167 Tax programs

are beneficial because they correct inequities in the tax system created by development

pressures and they help farmers stay in business. Tax programs, unfortunately, cannot

ensure long term protection of farmland, and are criticized when they inadvertently

provide a subsidy to real estate speculators who keep their land in agriculture pending

development.168

1. Differential Assessment

Differential tax programs provide incentives for landowners to keep their land in

agriculture by assessing agricultural lands at its current or farm value rather than its fair

market value.169 Agricultural value represents what farmers would pay to buy land in

light of the net farm income they can expect to receive from it. Full market value

represents what a willing buyer would pay for the land.170 Every state except for

Michigan has a differential assessment program. There are three kinds of differential

assessment programs: preferential assessment, deferred taxation, and restrictive

agreements.

Preferential assessment is the least restrictive of the three types because it does

not impose penalties for converting land to non-eligible uses. The agricultural value is

164 See Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, Task 2(c) Report.

165 Id. at 285.

166 Id.

167 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 147.

168 Id. at 151.

169 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 285.

170 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 147.

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multiplied by the local tax rate to determine the amount of real value tax due each year.

Farm buildings are generally taxed at their fair market value. These programs base

farmer’s tax bills on the agricultural value instead of the fair value as long as the lands

remain in agricultural use.171

The principle behind a deferred taxation program is that the tax on the market

value of the property is deferred until the property is developed. Deferred taxation

programs use the same process as preferential assessment programs to calculate property

taxes. The difference is that a tax is imposed on the landowner when the land is

converted to non-eligible uses or sold for development. Some states impose “rollback”

penalties that are calculated based on the sum of the tax benefits received, while other

states just require the landowner to pay a conversion tax. 172 Most states require

landowners to renew their application for tax deferment each year.

The taxation programs are designed to target commercial agricultural land rather

than small farms used for recreation or land that is vacant pending development. To

achieve this goal landowners may be required to sign restrictive agreements (California)

or restrictive covenants (Georgia, Hawaii, New York and Pennsylvania). The restrictive

agreements must be signed as a condition precedent to the reassessment of the land for

agricultural purposes.173 In Minnesota, this goal is achieved by having fairly restrictive

eligibility criteria whereby lots must be at least 10 acres, and meet an ownership and

production test. For the ownership test, the land must be the owner’s homestead or that

of a surviving spouse, child or sibling; the land must have been in possession of one of

the previously mentioned parties for seven years; or the land must be the homestead of a

shareholder in a family farm corporation. To be considered an eligible use the land must

be devoted to production of farm products for sale that provide at least 1/3 of the family’s

income, or yield at least $300 plus $10 per tillable acre in total income, including rent.174

The Florida Constitution provides for a differential assessment for agricultural

lands.175 Whether or not land is considered agricultural land for tax assessment purposes

depends on the length of time the land has been utilized as agricultural land; the purchase

price paid; the size, as it relates to specific agricultural use; whether effort has been made

to care sufficiently and adequately for the land in accordance with accepted commercial

agricultural practices, including, without limitation, fertilizing, liming, tilling, mowing,

reforesting, and other accepted agricultural practices; whether such land is under lease

and, if so, the effective length, terms, and conditions of the lease; and such other factors

as may from time to time become applicable.176 After land is qualified as agricultural

land, it is eligible for differential tax assessment.

2. Circuit Breaker Tax Relief Credits

Circuit breaker programs allow for farmers to take tax credits for part of their

local property tax bill. The cost of the tax credit is distributed among all the taxpayers in

171 Id. at 153.

172 Id. at 154.

173 FREILICH, supra note 29, at 286.

174 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 154.

175 FLA. CONST. ART 7 §4.

176 FLA. STAT. CH. 193.461 (2002).

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the state. A circuit breaker program depends on involvement at the state level. Only

Michigan, Wisconsin, New York and Iowa have instituted circuit breaker programs.

The New York program, adopted in 1996, provides farmers who earn at least 2/3

of their total household income from farming with relief from local school taxes levied on

agricultural land and buildings. Farmers receive a full credit for up to 250 acres of

farmland and a fifty percent credit for more than 250 acres. The amount of credit also

depends on a family’s income.

The other state programs operate similarly but also can require the farmer to sign

a restrictive agreement where the farmer promises not to build any non- farm structure for

ten years. In return, farmers are protected against taxes levied by local utilities and

receive credits against their state income taxes.177

3. Real Estate Transfer Taxes

Real estate transfer taxes are taxes on various property transactions such as the

transfer of property deeds and the transfer of a controlling ownership interest in entities

which own real property. 178 Many states, including Florida, charge the tax when a deed

is recorded. State statutes generally spell out the conditions of the tax and for what

purposes the revenue may be used.

Real estate transfer taxes are frequently used for farmland preservation.

Maryland is the leading state using this type of tax through a ½ percent tax on the value

of all real estate transfers that is divided between parkland acquisition and farmland

protection. 179

Florida’s real estate transfer tax, called the documentary stamp tax, is codified in

Chapter 201 of the Florida Statutes. The tax is primarily levied by the state and the

revenue is used for numerous purposes including the purchase of conservation lands

through Florida Forever and the Land Acquisition Trust Fund.180 Counties may assess

documentary stamp taxes in limited situations and only for the purpose of funding the

Housing Assistance Trust Fund.181 Miami- Dade County is the only Florida county that

has imposed a documentary stamp tax. 182

177 DANIELS, supra note 38, at 155-156.

178 PETER M. FASS; MICHAEL E. SHAFF; DONALD B. ZIEF, REAL ESTATE INVESTMENT TRUSTS HANDBOOK

§ 5:71 (2003).

179 AMERICAN FARMLAND TRUST, supra note 30, at 101; see also discussion of Montgomery County in

Task 2(c).

180 FLA. STAT. CH. 201.15.

181 FLA. STAT. CH. 201.031.

182 MIAMI-DADE COUNTY ORDINANCES 29-7.

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E. Funding Programs

1. Impact Fees

Impact fees are mandatory payments paid by developers or builders in return for

development approval. They are calculated to be the proportionate share of the capital

cost (e.g. roads, schools, sewer lines, or gutters) created by a new development.183 The

charges are generally levied by local governments but are not taxes because impact fees

constitute a single payment, unlike periodic payments of taxes. The costs of developing

infrastructure for a new development are charged at the time of development, reducing

the need of the city or county to rely on bonds,184 and the community is not forced to pay

the high costs of development on the urban fringe or in other areas without existing

infrastructure. Impact fees exist in some form or another in every state in the nation. 185

The power to charge impact fees is derived from local government’s police

powers. While some states enact enabling legislation for impact fees, others, such as

Florida, simply delegate the power to local governments through home rule power.

While local governments have limited powers to impose taxes, they have broad powers to

regulate in order to protect the health, safety and welfare of the community. Courts have

upheld the legality of impact fees if such fees meet the rationale nexus test, which ensures

a rational relationship between the demands of new development and assessments against

it.186 There are two prongs to the rational nexus test. First there must be a need for an

additional public facility (i.e. schools, public safety, sewers) created by the new

development and the fee must not exceed the cost of providing the facility. Second, the

property charged the fee must derive a roughly proportional benefit from the new

facility.187 Impact fees that do not meet this test may be considered takings, entitling the

property owner to monetary damages.

Impact fee programs must be carefully designed so the fees are reasonable, and

fairly and accurately reflect a new development’s fair share of the necessary facility. 188

Local governments often use careful economic analysis and planning to determine impact

fees. “The most widely implemented and judicially upheld impact fees are based on data

which indicate desired level-of-service standards for a particular facility and calculate the

cost of maintaining those standards in light of the increased demands created by new

development.”189 While impact fees have not traditionally been used as a direct tool to

protect agricultural land, they have been used as part of an overall growth management

policy.

183 Frank, James E. & Paul B. Downing, Patterns of Impact Fee Use, in DEVELOPMENT IMPACT FEES 3

(Arthur C. Nelson ed. 1988).

184 Id. at 4.

185 James C. Nicholas, Julian C. Juergensmeyer & Ellen Margrethe Basse, Perspectives Concerning the Use

of Environmental Mitigation Fees as Incentives in Environmental Protection (Part I), 7 ENVTL. LIABILITY

25, 28 (1999).

186 See Id. at 30; Jordan v Village of Menomonee Falls, 137 N.W. 2d 442 (Wis. 1965).

187 James C. Nicholas, supra note 185, at 37; see also Sarasota County v. Sarasota Church of Christ, Inc.,

667 So.2d 180, 183 (Fla.1995).

188 Nicholas, supra note 185, at 30-1.

189 Id. at 31.

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2. Environmental Mitigation Fees

A new type of impact fee is being proposed by environmental advocates called

environmental mitigation fees, one purpose of which may be agricultural preservation.

Environmental mitigation fees are a hybrid between impact fees and market based

environmental mitigation models. “The goal of environmental mitigation fees is to

harness market forces to make environmental protection profitable.”190

Traditionally, environmental pollution fees have been assessed on a case-by-case

basis.191 Each individual development or polluting facility has been required to mitigate

its own impact on its own site, or mitigate its impact through some regulatory means.192

The problem with this approach is that it may not meet comprehensive environmental

goals for the community because it is not based on a community wide plan.

An environmental mitigation fee requires long-range planning for environmental

goals. Agriculture and environmentally sensitive lands, critical habitat, endangered

species and other critical resources are identified early on. Then, the comprehensive plan

guides the assessment of impact of any development. “Government regulators would

determine the units of environmental impact associated with a new or existing project and

multiply the number of units by a price per unit.”193 A developer would be charged based

on the formula and may choose (1) to pay and proceed with the project; (2) to reduce the

adverse impact and pay a reduced fee; or (3) to pay another firm to mitigate adverse

environmental impact elsewhere.194 The money generated by the program could go into

preserving agricultural land through the purchase of development rights, a TDR program,

or other method discussed in this paper.

Although not a fee-based arrangement, in Miami-Dade, environmental impacts

are mitigated through regulatory mechanisms. Section 24-58 of the County Code

requires a permit for any development that alters County canal rights-of-way, mangrove

trees, tidal waters, submerged bay bottoms, wetlands, natural surface flows, or critical

groundwater sources. The environmental mitigation fee would be collected and used in

the protection of these same environmental resources.

3. Federal Programs

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) has a number of programs

to assist state and local governments and individual landowners with conservation. The

Food Security Act of 1985 created the Farmland Protection Program (FPP) which

provides funds to help purchase development rights to keep productive farmland in

agricultural uses.195 This program was recently reauthorized and modified by the Farm

190 James C. Nicholas, Julian C. Juergensmeyer & Ellen Margrethe Basse, Perspectives Concerning the Use

of Environmental Mitigation Fees as Incentives in Environmental Protection (Part II), 7 ENVTL. LIABILITY

69, 71 (1999).

191 Id.

192 Id.

193 Id.

194 The third option might be similar to off site mitigation programs such as pollution trading and wetlands

mitigation programs. For more information see James C. Nicholas, supra note 185.

195 Pub. L. No. 99-198, 99 Stat. 354 (1985).

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Security and Rural Investment Act of 2002.196 The general purpose of the program is "to

establish and carry out a farmland protection program under which the Secretary shall

purchase conservation easements or other interests in eligible land… for the purpose of

protecting topsoil by limiting nonagricultural uses of the land."197

The program is administered through the Natural Resources Conservation Service

(NRCS), a division of the USDA. The NRCS provides technical and financial assistance

to state, tribal and local governments and non-governmental organizations that already

have farmland protection programs. Through the benefit of the FPP these governments

and organizations acquire easements and interests in land, while landowners agree to

develop and carry out a conservation plan on the land. A total of $30 million was

available in 2001 for the program.

States may cooperate with the federal government to devise creative funding

techniques for agricultural preservation. Martin County, Florida recently agreed to pay

for the speedy installation of water lines for a Superfund project that will bring clean

water to its residents. While a state’s portion of Superfund programs is usually only 10

percent, in exchange for Florida's payment of the full cost of the project, the federal

agency has agreed to give Florida a credit that can be used to offset the state's share of

future cleanups.198 A similar program could be used for agricultural preservation or the

federal government might opt to give credit for farming programs as well as for clean up

programs.

F. Regulatory Techniques

1. Growth Tiers

Timing and sequencing deve lopment to coincide with the provision of public

facilities was first implemented in an innovative plan in Ramapo, New York and was

upheld by the courts in the landmark decision Golden v. Planning Board of Town of

Ramapo.199 The basic idea is that all residential development must proceed in accordance

with the provision of adequate municipal facilities as established by a long-term

comprehensive and capital improvement program.200 The importance of the Ramapo

plan is the recognition of the fundamental constitutional principle that development on

the urban fringe can be controlled by linking the development with the planned extension

of capital improvements over a reasonable time.

A “tier” system utilizes the Ramapo principle by providing for the delineation of

functional areas within the region for the identification of goals and objectives and the

implementation of growth management techniques.201 Generally five tiers are created.

Tier I consists of the downtown area or urban core. Tier II consists of existing residential

areas within the urban area and older suburban areas. Tier III consists of the actively

196 Pub. L. No. 107-171, §2503, 116 Stat. 134, 267 (2002)

197 Id. at 268.

198 John Cushman Jr., Superfund Makes a Rare Deal with Florida, N.Y. TIMES, July 31, 2002, available at

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/07/31/politics/31SUPE.html. (August 2, 2002).

199 Golden v. Planning Board of Town of Ramapo, 334 N.Y.S. 2d 138 (N.Y. App. 1972).

200 Freilich, supra note 5, at 34.

201 Id. at 35.

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development area. Tier IV is the rural and agricultural land that is inappropriate or

premature for development. Tier V incorporates environmental and agricultural zones

that warrant preservation or protection. 202 The number of tiers varies according to the

current and desired land use pattern within the urban area, but will be similar to the

system described above.

2. Concurrency Programs

Concurrency programs tie development approvals to level of service (LOS)

standards. LOS standards measure the ratio of public facility capacity to the need for the

facility. Such a program takes into account all demand for the facilities, including

existing demand as well as the additional population added by new development

proposals. An adopted LOS standard reflects a policy decision concerning the

appropriate equilibrium between population and public facilities that may be applied to

new development in the standard setting and review process, and to the public capital

budgeting process. LOS standards conveniently provide a benchmark for monitoring the

growth management system.203

Florida was the first state to introduce “concurrency” requirements; the Florida

Statutes specifically provide that, “[P]ublic facilities and services needed to support

development shall be concurrent with the impacts of such development.”204 The

requirement is part of Florida’s Growth Management Act of 1985 that was enacted to

discourage urban sprawl, improve existing infrastructure to support infill and

redevelopment, and to discourage urban development of rural lands.205

Concurrency programs do not concentrate on one particular sector of a city or

county; they look at a community comprehensively to plan for the entire area. The result

is that growth occurs at a rate that is economically beneficial to the community and in a

manner that retains land values. The specific techniques discussed above should be

implemented within the framework of the comprehensive plan.

Miami-Dade County has a Service Concurrency Management Program. No

development order shall be issued where LOS standards for all public facilities will not

meet or exceed LOS standards or where such an order would result in a reduction of

services, except in certain circumstances, such as when the development is located in a

designated urban infill area.

202 Id.

203 S. Mark White, Adequate Public Facilities Ordinances and Transportation Management 8. PAS Report

465 (1996).

204 West’s Fla. Sta. Ann. Section 163.3177 (10)(h).

205 See generally West’s Fla. Sta. Ann. Section 163.

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3. Urban Service Boundaries

An urban service boundary (USB)206 is a relatively simple technique for

channeling growth that involves designating an urban services area and a rural service

area. Planning studies designate the urban services areas, which are the most suitable to

the extension of municipal services such as streets, sewers, and water, and rural service

areas where development is restricted.207 The municipality commits to providing urban

services within the urban service area before going beyond it.208 One of the most

important attributes of a USB is that it makes the development pattern predictable for

landowners and developers.209

There are generally four goals for a USB: (1) to make the most efficient use of

public tax money for infrastructure funding; (2) preservation of agricultural and

environmentally sensitive lands; (3) efficient provision of municipal services; and (4)

promotion of compact urban development.210 The USB also preserves agricultural land

values within the community.

The most challenging issue surrounding a USB is how and under what

circumstances the boundary should be moved.211 The location of a USB significantly

impacts how a community develops, and in the agricultural context, may determine what

agricultural land is given over to development and what land is preserved for farming.

Therefore, adjustments to a USB should only take place after deliberate planning

considerations, that take into account both urban and rural interests.212 An effective

boundary adjustment process should be “firm enough to provide predictability for longrange

planning, yet sufficiently flexible to respond to changed conditions.”213 Some

states, such as Oregon, set out guidelines for adjusting boundaries. These guidelines

include compliance with a comprehensive plan, and the analysis of socio-economic

impacts on the community and the existence of intergovernmental agreements.214

Intergovernmental coordination is required to successfully implement a USB

program because most urban cores are associated with a municipality separate from the

unincorporated area of the county. 215 Intergovernmental agreements should define the

role of each governmental entity involved and describe the process for boundary

adjustments.

Miami-Dade County’s Urban Development Boundary (UDB) is a USB. Details

of the Miami-Dade County UDB are provided above in Section II.

206 A USB is different from an urban growth boundary that identifies an urban core and designates certain

uses appropriate. The focus is less on urban services than on uses such as siting of future development,

protection of natural lands and resources, and compact urban form. See Smith, supra note 47 at 19.

207 CALLIES, supra note 78, at 642.

208 V. Gail Easley, Staying Inside the Lines 10 PAS Report 440 (1990).

209 Smith, supra note 47, at 19.

210 See Wash. St. Ann. § 36.70A. 110 (2003)

211 Smith, supra note 47, at 20.

212 Id. at 20.

213 Easley, supra note 208, at 10.

214 Id. at 4.

215 Smith, supra note 47, at 21.

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IV. ECONOMICS AND THE LAW

A. Economic Value of Land

Preventing sprawl may be the most effective method of preserving the economic

value of land in Miami-Dade County. A 1995 Bank of America report stated, “Growth

has helped fuel … an unparalleled economic and population boom and has enabled

millions … to realize the enduring dream of home ownership … but sprawl has created

enormous costs… Ironically, unchecked sprawl has shifted from an engine of … growth

to a force that now threatens to inhibit growth and degrade the quality of our life.”

Indeed, the public infrastructure gap is nearing $4 trillion. Such high costs for

infrastructure impede development of community services and inhibit the preservation of

open space and agricultural lands. If urban growth consumes agricultural land, and

government money is spent building infrastructure, then community services and existing

infrastructure suffer. One conservative critic notes that more flexible zoning codes

“would allow for more innovative development designs that accomplish conservation

goals and satisfy consumer demand for housing alternatives. Ensuring that development

covers its infrastructure expenses will allow the marketplace to operate freely and

efficiently.”216

Preserving the economic value of land in Miami-Dade County can be

accomplished by concentrating on four goals:

1. Economic development through the preservation of agriculture;

2. Clustering of new development outside the urban area to reduce sprawl

and reduce infrastructure costs;

3. Maintain the character outside of the urban area; and

4. Develop strategies that are legally defensible.

B. Legal Framework

The following is intended to give a very general overview of the legal issues that

arise when local governments in Florida undertake planning and plan implementation.

Further legal analyses should be undertaken to address any specific program or ordinance

considered by the County for adoption.

The authority of local government agencies to adopt land use and zoning

regulations is derived from a state’s police power authority. Generally, comprehensive

growth management programs include police power regulations such as a zoning

ordinance incorporating density standards. Governments have the authority to regulate

the activity or use of property in order to protect or to prevent harm to the public health,

safety and welfare.217 Though there are limitations on a government’s police power, the

216 Samuel R. Staley & Matthew Hisrich, True Smart Growth, The Buckeye Institute Newsletter (May

2002), available at http://www.rppi.org/opeds/ohiosmartgrowth052102.pdf (August 2, 2002).

217 See Keystone Bituminous Coal Assoc. v. DeBenedictis, 107 S.Ct. 1232 (1987); Euclid v. Ambler Realty

Co., 272 U.S. 365 (1926); and Goldblatt v. Town of Hempstead, 369 U.S. 590 (1962).

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courts have recognized the need for plans to deal with critical issues such as urban

sprawl, declining land values, environmental degradation, a lack of open space, and

agricultural preservation. 218

Nonetheless, there are several types of legal issues that must be considered.

Generally, (1) does the local government have authority or police powers; (2) does the

action advance a legitimate governmental purpose; (3) is the system applied equally to

persons and land without operating in a discriminatory manner; (4) are the governmental

regulations implemented such that there is no "taking" of private property without "just

compensation"; and (5) do the government regulations afford substantive and procedural

due process to persons affected?

The authority of Florida’s local governments to plan is undisputed, and in fact

mandated, by Florida’s Growth Management Act of 1985. The other issues are

considered under three major headings: takings, impact fees/mitigation fees and due

process.

1. Takings

The majority of legal challenges to land use regulations fall under the claim that

the regulations constitute a "taking" of private property without "just compensation". 219

If the purpose is to protect the public welfare, government may limit use of property

through regulation without a finding that a taking has occurred under the Fifth and

Fourteenth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. 220 However, once a regulation221 has

been deemed to effectuate a taking, monetary compensation may be required to be paid 222

or the regulation voided. If the regulation223 does not involve a physical or title taking,

but is in the nature of amenity protection such as open space preservation, environmental

protection, or agriculture preservation, the standard used is a balancing test to determine

whether the benefit to the public is outweighed by the burden to the land owner. The test

has two prongs: (1) does the regulation substantially advance a legitimate state interest,

and (2) does it deny an owner economically viable use of land.224

218 Robert H. Freilich & Jason M. Divelbiss, The Public Interest is Vindicated, 31 URBAN L. 731, 734

(1999).

219 The following analysis involves a discussion of federal takings jurisprudence, which is applicable in

both federal courts and state courts in Florida.

220 Keystone Bituminous Coal Assoc., supra note 217.

221 Since the seminal case Penn. C. Transp. Co. v. N. Y. C. Landmarks Commn., 438 U.S. 104 (1978), the

United States Supreme Court has recognized three kinds of regulatory takings: physical, title, and

economic. A physical taking is one where a governmental entity invades private property regardless of the

extent of diminution in property value. See Kaiser Aetna v. U. S., 444 U.S. 164 (1979). A title or exaction

taking does not involve land invasion, but results from the government accepting a title dedication or

monetary exaction representing a payment in lieu of dedication. See Nollan v. Ca. Costal Commn, 483 U.S.

825 (1987) and Dolan v. City of Tigard, 512 U.S. 374 (1994). An economic taking is one where a

regulation does not substantially advance legitimate state interest and denies an owner of economically

viable use of his land. See Agins v. City of Tiburon, 447 U.S. 255 (1980).

222 First English Evangelical Church v. County of L. A., 107 S.Ct. 2378 (1987).

223 Nollan, supra note 221.

224 See, e.g. Agins supra note 221; Haw. Hous. Auth. v. Midkiff, 467 U.S. 229 (1984); and Lucas v. S. C.

Costal Council, 505 U.S. 1003 (1992).

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Under the first prong, the court will not construe the governmental action to be a

taking as long as the governmental entity has reasonably concluded that “the health,

safety, morals, or general welfare would be promoted by prohibiting a particular

contemplated use of land.”225 The courts also require that the regulation is reasonably

calculated to meet the evil without exceeding the public necessity or substantially

affecting uses that do not “partake of the offensive character of those which create the

problem sought to be ameliorated.”226 In short, the government must craft regulations in a

manner that is rationally- related to the legitimate purpose it seeks to advance.

Under the second prong, a court must determine whether the property maintains

any permanent beneficial value when viewed as a whole.227 Both federal and state courts

have uniformly held that all substantial use of property must be lost before an economic

taking occurs. Economic takings must be viewed in their entirety, and therefore a

diminution in value of even 99 percent has not been viewed as a taking.228

TDR programs have been particularly susceptible to takings claims, but if the

TDR system is designed appropriately it will be upheld. The key to a successful program

is effectively protecting the sending area's resources while offering the property owner

fair and reasonable compensation. Florida courts have upheld TDR programs in City of

Hollywood v. Hollywood, Inc229 and Glisson v. Alachua County.230In the Hollywood

case, the court upheld a city zoning ordinance that restricted beachfront lots to singlefamily

dwellings and granted the owner TDRs that could be applied to adjacent lots to

increase permissible density. The purpose of the ordinance was to preserve the

beachfront property, and the court dramatically noted, “Before us is the last unspoiled

beach area on the Gold Coast, a veritable Shangri-La in an otherwise endless Himalayan

mountain range of cement to the south.”231 In Glisson, the court upheld a TDR program

designed to protect threatened wetlands. In both cases, the court found that protecting

open space and environmentally sensitive areas was a legitimate state interest.

2. Impact Fees/ Mitigation Fees

Although there is no specific case law on mitigation fees in Florida, a review of

the impact fees jurisprudence is relevant because any mitigation fee legal analysis should

follow the same arguments. In 1994, the U.S. Supreme Court decided the important case

of Dolan v. City of Tigard232 holding that not only must exactions have the required

nexus to a development’s impacts (a matter settled in Nollan v. California Coastal

Commission,),233 but also that the degree of the exaction must be “roughly proportional to

225 Penn C. Transp. Co., supra note 221, at 125.

226 Kirsch Holding Co. v. Borough of Manasquan, 59 N.J. 241, 281 A.2d 513, 518 (1971).

227 See, e.g. Concrete Pipe and Products, Inc. v. Constr. Laborers Pension Trust, 508 U.S. 602, 643-44

(1993); Pennel v. City of San Jose, 485 U.S. 1 (1988); Hodel v. Irving, 481 U.S. 704 (1987).

228 Concrete Pipe and Products, supra note 227; see also City of Monterey v. Del Monte Dunes, 119 S.Ct.

1624 (1999).

229 432 So. 2d 1332 (Fla. Dist. Ct. App. 1983), review denied, 441 So. 2d 632 (Fla. 1983).

230 588 So. 2d 1030 (Fla. Dist. Ct. App. 1990), review denied, 570 So. 2d 1304 (Fla. 1990).

231 Hollywood, supra note 229, at 1337-388.

232 Dolan, supra note 221.

233 Nollan, supra note 221.

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the projected impact of the proposed development.”234 Local governments must

demonstrate that exactions imposed as a condition of development are not only related in

nature, but also in extent, to the impact of the development paying the fee.

The Florida Supreme Court has upheld local government’s authority to impose

impact fees based on general home rule and police power theories. The Growth

Management Act specifically encourages the use of impact fees,235 and Florida courts

have adopted the rational nexus test as the appropriate standard by which to measure their

validity. 236 However, just as other land development regulations can only be exercised

within the bounds of substantive due process, so too are impact fee impositions similarly

bound. The Florida Supreme Court has adopted237 and reaffirmed238 the dual rational

standard as the appropriate measure of whether a local government has exceeded its

constitutional authority in the imposition of impact fees. Based on this case law, it is

likely that mitigation fees would be upheld in Miami-Dade County.

3. Due Process

Many land use claims are based on the due process clause of the Fourteenth

Amendment. Procedural due process is not discussed here as individuals cannot bring

these suits against a government for a legislative action. Substantive due process imposes

a requirement that the land use regulations must promote a legitimate public end in a

rationale manner.239 Legitimate state interests are often described in zoning laws in terms

of the protection or furtherance of the public health, safety, morals, or general welfare. A

landowner may assert that the regulation is arbitrary and capricious, bearing no

substantial relation to the public health, safety, morals, or general welfare, and is

therefore an invalid exercise of the police power (an “arbitrary and capricious due

process” or “substantive due process” claim).240 This standard is a heavy burden for a

landowner to overcome.241

V. MIAMI-DADE COUNTY – VALUE PRESERVATION PRINCIPLE

The following analysis presents a guiding principle for analyzing how the County

might develop a program that will retain the value of agricultural land while

simultaneously protecting open space and rural areas for future generations. Although

the final recommendation (Task 2(d)) will be presented in light of the development

scenarios outlined in Task 1(f), the Team, based on the extensive input of the Citizens’

Advisory Committee, has determined that the final recommendation – the “preferred

development scenario – should set forth a means of protects open space in perpetuity in a

234 Dolan, supra note 221, at 388.

235 See FLA. STAT. ch. 163.3202(3) (2001).

236 Home Builders & Contract Assocn. of Palm Beach County, Inc. v. Board of County Commissioners,

446 So.2d 140 (Fla. 4th DCA 1983).

237 Contractors & Builders Assocn., Inc. v. City of Dunedin, 329 So.2d 314 (1976).

238 St. Johns County v. Northeast Florida Builders Assocn., Inc. 583, So.2d 635 (Fla. 1991)

239 CALLIES, supra note 78, at 349.

240 Eide v. Sarasota County, 908 F.2d 716, 722 (Fla. 1990); Euclid supra note 217, at 395.

241 Restigouche v. Jupiter, 59 F.3d 1208, 1214 (11th Cir. 1995) (applying same rational relationship test as

in equal protection cases).

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manner that also protects the land investments made by property owners in the Study

Area. In order to meet the complex, and sometimes competing, goals of open space

preservation, a comprehensive program that includes any number of the agricultural

preservation techniques discussed in this paper - and more thoroughly in the Task 2(c)

report - may be employed. However, the Team recommends that the following principle

guide the ultimate recommendation:

Is there a regulatory balance that would provide a landowner a return on

his or her investment equal to or in excess of the reasonable return under

a suburban development alternative, while at the same time preserving

important open space and rural lands?

VI. CONCLUSION

This Report is intended to inform the ongoing analysis being conducted by

the Citizens’ Advisory Committee and the various consultant Team members.

The background concepts set forth here will be refined in forthcoming reports and

analysis. Specifically, Task 2(c), “Analysis of Rural Land Uses,” describes how

five (5) communities from around the country have employed value-preservation

techniques – relying heavily on the concept of PDRs – to protect their threatened

agricultural economies and rural open space. In each case, these communities

have sought to protect the resource most critical to a viable agricultural economy

– the land. Furthermore, consistent with the guiding principle set forth in the

section above, each of these communities has done so by adopting funding

programs that ensure that the community at large, which benefits from the

preservation of this discrete area of the jurisdiction, shares in the burden of

agricultural preservation.

Back to Top

Abstract: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem1

Mary L. Duryea, Eliana Kämpf Binelli, and Lawrence V. Korhnak, Editors2

1. This document is the Abstract, Table of Contents, and Acknowledgments for SW-140, Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem, a CD-ROM (M.L. Duryea,

E. Kämpf Binelli, and L.V. Korhnak, Eds.) produced by the School of Forest Resources and Conservation, Florida Cooperative Extension Service,

Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, University of Florida. Publication date: June 2000. Please visit the EDIS Web site at http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu

2. Mary L. Duryea, Professor and Extension Forester, Eliana Kämpf Binelli, Extension Forester, and Lawrence V. Korhnak, Senior Biological Scientist,

School of Forest Resources and Conservation, Cooperative Extension Service, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, University of Florida, PO Box

110410, Gainesville, FL 32611.

The Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences is an equal opportunity/affirmative action employer authorized to provide research, educational

information and other services only to individuals and institutions that function without regard to race, color, sex, age, handicap, or national origin.

For information on obtaining other extension publications, contact your county Cooperative Extension Service office. Florida Cooperative

Extension Service/Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences/University of Florida/Christine Taylor Waddill, Dean.

Restoring the Urban Forest

Ecosystem

The urban forest ecosystem can provide many

ecological services and benefits to cities and

communities including energy conservation,

contributing to global biodiversity, and maintaining

hydrologic and nutrient cycles. Yet in many

instances these benefits are not realized due to poor

health and management of the urban forest. Many

opportunities for restoration -- reestablishing the

structure and function of the urban forest ecosystem

-- exist. The goal of restoration is to return the urban

forest to a form which is more ecologically

sustainable. A restored urban forest will contribute

positively to the community instead of being a drain

on its resources. Many of our parks are composed of

trees and grass requiring intensive maintenance

inputs such as fertilizing, irrigating, mowing and

raking. With restoration these parks could take

advantage of natural processes such as nutrient and

water cycling, thereby saving money, energy and

resources for the community. Connecting these

restored parks to other ecosystems such as

waterways can also contribute to biodiversity and

wildlife conservation. Restoration sites can range

from backyards to neighborhoods to parks to whole

waterways and metropolitan areas. The United States

hosts an abundance of successful and innovative

urban forest restoration projects which illustrate the

potential for creativity, diversity and the ability to

tailor projects to local needs and opportunities. This

CD-ROM explains basic ecological principles for the

urban forest's water, soil, plant and animal

communities. It discusses problems common in the

urban forest such as aquatic eutrophication, soil

aeration, invasive plants and loss of biodiversity.

Solutions, strategies, examples, and additional

resources are presented to help make urban forest

restoration projects successful. Its goal is to inspire

the restoration of urban forest ecosystems which will,

in turn, restore and conserve our planet for future

generations.

Contents

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest

Ecosystem - An Introduction - Mary L. Duryea

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for

Restoration - Mary L. Duryea, Eliana Kämpf

Binelli, and Henry L. Gholz

Abstract: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem 2

Chapter 3: Biodiversity and the Restoration of the

Urban Forest Ecosystem - Eliana Kämpf Binelli

Chapter 4: Plant Succession and Disturbances

in the Urban Forest Ecosystem- Eliana Kämpf

Binelli, Henry L. Gholz, and Mary L. Duryea

Chapter 5: Developing a Restoration Plan

That Works - William G. Hubbard

Chapter 6: Restoring the Hydrological Cycle

in the Urban Forest Ecosystem - Lawrence V.

Korhnak

Chapter 7: Site Assessment and Soil

Improvement - Kim D. Coder

Chapter 8: Enriching and Managing Urban

Forests for Wildlife - Joseph M. Schaefer

Chapter 9: Invasive Plants and the

Restoration of the Urban Forest Ecosystem -

Hallie Dozier

Chapter 10: Glossary of Terms for Restoring

the Urban Forest Ecosystem - Eliana Kämpf

Binelli, Mary L. Duryea, and Lawrence V. Korhnak

Acknowledgments

We are grateful for funding from the USDA

Forest Service, Cooperative Forestry through the

National Urban Community Forestry Advisory

Council's grants program. Special thanks to Suzanne

del Villar who patiently waited for all our reports.

We are also most grateful to Ed Macie, USDA Forest

Service, Region 8, Atlanta, who in addition to

supporting this CD-ROM has enthusiastically guided

and sponsored the Urban Forestry Institute for over

ten years.

At the University of Florida, we would like to

thank Wayne Smith for his continued encouragement

and support for this project. Also, many long hours

were spent by Howard Beck and Petraq Papajorgji of

IFAS Information Technologies they planned,

designed and successfully created this CD-ROM and

its printable version. They were assisted by Anna

Beck, Joe Bess and Rayna Elkins. Thank you all so

much.

We found many beautiful photos to describe

projects around the U.S. Everyone is credited with

each photo but we would like to extend our thanks to

all you photographers for your generosity in sharing

these beautiful scenes with us.

And finally, the authors also extend their sincere

gratitude to the many people around the U.S. who

shared information with us about their restoration

programs: Don Alam, Artesia, NM; Laurie Ames,

City of Seattle Dept. of Neighborhoods; Rob Buffler,

Greening the Great River Park, St. Paul, MN;

Charley Davis, Portland Parks and Recreation, OR;

Meridith Cornett, Minnesota Department of Natural

Resources; Sandy Diedrich, Forest Park Ivy Removal

Project, Portland, OR; Ray Emanuel, Drew Gardens,

NY, NY; Alice Ewen, American Forests,

Washington, DC; Steve Graham, City of Tampa

Parks Department, Tampa, FL; Steve Gubitti, Bill

Baggs Park Restoration, Department of

Environmental Protection, Tallahassee, FL; Paula

Hewitt, Open Road, NY, NY; Judy Okay, Difficult

Run Watershed Project, Virginia Department of

Forestry; Kit ONeill, Ravenna Creek Alliance,

Seattle, WA; John Rieger, Carmel Valley Restoration

and Enhancement Project, CA; Linda Robinson,

Naturescaping for Clean Rivers, Portland, OR; Joe

Schaefer, Schoolyard Ecosystems for Northeast

Florida, Gainesville, FL; Beth Stout, National

Wildlife Federation, Portland, OR; David M.

Wachtel, Chicago Wilderness; David J. Welsch,

USDA Forest Service, Northeastern Division,

Radnor, PA; Paul West, Seattle Dept. of Parks and

Recreation; and Greg Wolley, Metropolitan

Greenspaces, Metro, Portland, OR.

We dedicate this work to all the hard-working,

dedicated and creative people around the U.S. who

are finding so many ways to restore the beauty and

health to the urban forest ecosystem.

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An

Introduction1

Mary L. Duryea2

1. This is Chapter 1 in SW-140, "Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem", a CD-ROM (M.L. Duryea, E. Kampf Binelli, and L.V. Korhnak, Eds.) produced by

the School of Forest Resources and Conservation, Florida Cooperative Extension Service, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, University of

Florida. Publication date: June 2000. Please visit the EDIS Web site at http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu

2. Mary L. Duryea, Professor and Extension Forester, School of Resources and Conservation, Cooperative Extension Service, Institute of Food and

Agricultural Sciences, University of Florida, PO Box 110410, Gainesville, FL 32611

The Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences is an equal opportunity/affirmative action employer authorized to provide research, educational

information and other services only to individuals and institutions that function without regard to race, color, sex, age, handicap, or national origin.

For information on obtaining other extension publications, contact your county Cooperative Extension Service office. Florida Cooperative

Extension Service/Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences/University of Florida/Christine Taylor Waddill, Dean.

Abstract

Urban and community forests are often managed

as individual trees instead of whole forest

ecosystems. Cities inventory and manage these tree

species to meet many important needs such as energy

conservation, beauty, and recreation in the city. Yet,

there are many opportunities for urban forest

restoration to provide additional ecological benefits

such as storm-water management, wildlife

management, and biodiversity. Restoring the urban

forest ecosystem is reestablishing the ecological

health of the urban forest ecosystem. The goal of

restoration is to return the urban forest to a form

which is more ecologically sustainable for the

community; the restored urban forest will contribute

positively to the community instead of being a drain

on its resources. Many of our parks, for example, are

composed of trees and grass requiring intensive

maintenance inputs such as fertilizing, irrigating,

mowing and raking. With restoration these parks

could take advantage of natural processes such as

nutrient and water cycling, thereby saving money,

energy and resources for the community. Connecting

these restored parks to other ecosystems such as

waterways can also contribute to biodiversity and

wildlife management and conservation. The options

for restoration sites include: yards, vacant lots,

shopping centers, schoolyards, parks, industrial

parks, and waterways. The projects can be varied

such as: (1) The simple act of eliminating leaf-raking

in a park to reestablish the natural forest floor and the

natural cycling of nutrients; (2) The establishment of

understory plant species in a schoolyard to promote

wildlife; (3) The eradication of an invasive plant

species which is eliminating much of the understory

biodiversity in a park; (4) The re-design of a parking

lot to decrease stormwater runoff and provide a small

ecological wetland; or (5) The re-creation of a park

with species and ecosystems to be just the way it was

in the 1800s. The United States hosts an abundance

of successful and innovative urban forest restoration

projects. The two key ingredients that make these

projects so successful are the involvement of people

from the community and the formulation of a

restoration plan.

The Urban Forest Ecosystem

To define the urban forest ecosystem we take

the original definition of ecosystem and apply it to

the urban forest.

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 2

The urban forest ecosystem is a collection of

living organic matter (plants, animals, people,

insects, microbes, etc.) and dead organic matter

(lawn clippings, leaf-fall, branches) on a soil (with

all its urban characteristics) through which there is

cycling of chemicals and water and flow of energy.

When we think of the urban forest ecosystem we

can think of the whole city or community as one

ecosystem or we can focus in on a smaller parcel of

land as the urban forest ecosystem. The big picture,

bird's-eye-view is important to identify sites that

might need restoration (Figure 1). For example, we

might see two parks that could be connected with a

greenway to benefit wildlife communities. Or we

might see an area of the city which is void of trees,

an urban heat island, that could be restored with a

tree canopy. Yet, we also need to look at the urban

forest ecosystem as smaller parcels of land such as

neighborhoods, parks, or schoolyards. At this level

we can see specific management alternatives and

specific ecological needs for each of these land units.

Figure 1. When we think of the urban forest ecosystem

we can think of the whole city or community as one

ecosystem or we can focus in on a smaller parcel of land

(a park, schoolyard or industrial park, for example) as the

urban forest ecosystem. Photo by Hans Riekerk

What is "Restoring the Urban Forest

Ecosystem"?

Restoration has traditionally been defined as

reconstructing or repairing something, often a work

of art or ancient building. Ecologists have defined

ecological restoration to be:

• "The return of an ecosystem to a close

approximation of its condition prior to

disturbance." (National Research Council

1992)

• "The intentional alteration of a site to establish

a defined indigenous, historic ecosystem. The

goal of this process is to emulate the structure,

functioning, diversity and dynamics of the

specified ecosystem." (Society of Ecological

Restoration 1992)

• "Ecological restoration is the process of

renewing and maintaining ecosystem health."

(Society of Ecological Restoration 1995)

• "Ecological restoration is the process of

assisting the recovery and management of

ecological integrity. Ecological integrity

includes a critical range of variability in

biodiversity, ecological processes and structures,

regional and historical context, and sustainable

cultural practices. (Society of Ecological

Restoration 1996)

Most of these definitions center around the

recovery, repair or re-establishment of native

ecosystems. Because of the loss of species, the

increase in disturbances and several other factors,

exact restoration may be an impossible feat and

many people wish to call it rehabilitation.

Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem is

reestablishing the ecological health of the urban

forest ecosystem.

In urban forest ecosystems we have a very

different situation, and therefore we need to define

restoration differently. The urban forest is a mosaic

or patchwork of highly altered landscapes ranging

from street trees to neighborhoods with landscaping

to shopping centers to waterways to parks to

fragments of remaining native ecosystems. For this

CD-ROM and its series of publications we have

chosen to define restoration as reestablishing the

ecological health of the urban forest ecosystem.

More specifically, restoration means altering a site (a

park, waterway, neighborhood) to a state which is

more ecologically sustainable for the community or

city. Restoration might reestablish ecological

structure, functions, pathways, and/or cycles. A

restored site with its renewed or re-introduced

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 3

ecological attributes will contribute more positively

to the community instead of being a drain on its

resources.

Examples of potential sites and projects for

restoring the urban forest ecosystem include:

• The simple act of eliminating leaf-raking to

reestablish the natural forest floor and the

natural cycling of nutrients.

• The establishment of understory plant species

in a schoolyard to promote wildlife species.

• The eradication of an invasive plant species

which is eliminating much of the understory

biodiversity in a neighborhood.

• The clean-up of a vacant lot or site in a

neighborhood and the establishment of a park.

• The re-design of a parking lot to decrease

stormwater runoff and provide a small

ecological wetland.

• The re-creation of a park with the native

ecosystems that were present 100 years ago.

Potential sites for restoring the urban forest

ecosystem include (Figures 2, 3, and 4):

Figure 2. A vacant or abandoned lot in an industrial area

of town.

Figure 3. A small water-retention pond which could be

restored with wetland species.

Figure 4. A schoolyard.

The Story of two parks

A description of two hypothetical parks offers

insights into the reasons and benefits of restoration.

Wilson Park

• Wilson Park has five baseball fields and four

basketball courts which are under constant use

by the community. (Figure 5).

• A monoculture of 60-year-old pine trees

surrounding the ball fields has swing sets and

picnic tables in its understory (Figure 6). Last

year when bark beetles invested loblolly pines in

nearby parks, plantations and natural areas, park

managers worried that they might lose this pine

forest to the beetle.

• When viewed closely we can see that not only

are there no understory plant species but the park

managers remove every leaf and twig that falls

to the ground (Figure 7).

• In another area of the park, managers work to

maintain a grass understory under several live

oaks (Figure 8). With little light for grass

growth, addition of fertilizers, water and

frequent mowing makes this an intensively

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 4

managed area for the park. Every leaf and

branch must also be removed in these hardwood

and grass forests.

Figure 5. Wilson Park has several baseball fields and four

basketball courts which are under constant use by the

community.

Figure 6. A monoculture of 60-year-old pine trees

surrounding the ball fields has swing sets and picnic tables

in its understory. Last year when bark beetles invested

loblolly pines in nearby parks, plantations, and natural

areas, park managers worried that they might lose this

pine forest to the beetle.

Figure 7. When viewed closely we can see that not only

are there no understory plant species but the park

managers remove every leaf and twig that falls to the

ground.

Figure 8. In another area of the park, managers work to

maintain a grass understory under several live oaks. With

little light, addition of fertilizers, water and frequent mowing

makes this an intensively managed area for the park.

Every leaf and branch must also be removed in these

hardwood forests.

• A bird's-eye-view of another hardwood area

shows very little remaining on the ground

(Figure 9). All leaves have been removed and

the resulting bare soil shows the exposed and

unprotected roots of shrubs and trees (Figure

10).

• This kind of management results in intensive

use of people and energy resources (Figure 11).

Often after the natural leaves and branches are

removed, landscape mulch is brought in to cover

the ground.

• One of the park managers has planted camelias

in one of the bare understories. Because these

are an exotic plant, maintenance of these flower

gardens has included additional fertilization and

installation of an irrigation system (Figure 12).

Andrews Park

• Andrews park has a natural creek running

through it (Figure 13). The creek originates

outside the town, and so the park provides a way

to connect several ecosystems as it meanders

through the park and town.

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 5

Figure 9. A bird's-eye-view of another hardwood area in

the park shows very little remaining on the ground.

Figure 10. All leaves have been removed and the resulting

bare soil shows the exposed and unprotected roots of

shrubs and trees.

Figure 11. This kind of management results in intensive

use of people and energy resources.

Figure 12. One of the park managers has planted

camelias in one of the bare understories. Because these

are an exotic plant, maintenance of these flower gardens

has included additional fertilization and installation of an

irrigation system. Photo by Larry Korhnak

• Several ponds and other wetland areas support

habitat for wildlife in the park (Figure 14).

• A walkway across one of the wetland areas

offers entry and a look at this wetland ecosystem

(Figure 15).

• Fallen leaves and branches maintain a natural

mulch for the park (Figure 16).

• Playground areas are well-defined as are the

special areas where plant life is being restored

(Figure 17)

• Fallen logs are left lying next to hiking trails

and on the forest floor to enhance natural decay

and nutrient cycling (Figure 18).

• Signs are utilized to educate people about the

park's ecosystems (Figure 19).

Developing a Checklist

It's good to look thoughtfully and critically at

our parks, neighborhoods, waterways and other

urban forests to see how they contribute ecologically

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 6

Figure 13. Andrews park has a natural creek running

through it. Photo by Larry Korhnak

Figure 14. Several ponds and other wetland areas

support habitat for wildlife in the park. Photo by Larry

Korhnak

Figure 15. A walkway across one of the wetland areas

offers entry and a look at this ecosystem. Photo by Larry

Korhnak

Figure 16. Fallen leaves and branches maintain a natural

mulch for the park helping to sustain the nutrient cycle in

the ecosystem. Photo by Larry Korhnak

Figure 17. Playground areas are well-defined as are the

special areas where plant life is being restored.

to the community. These benefits can be utilized to

gain support for restoration projects. By using a

checklist we can estimate the benefits for any area

within the urban forest ecosystem.

A Checklist of Wilson and Andrews Parks

shows the contrasting ecological benefits of the two

parks (Figure 20).

Both parks contribute recreational benefits to

the community. The monoculture of loblolly pines

and the hardwood forests at Wilson Park provide

very little biodiversity compared to the natural

ecosystems with many structural layers and plants at

Andrews Park. Parking lots and forests with very

little understory vegetation and natural mulch result

in high levels of stormwater runoff at Wilson Park.

The creek and wetland areas along with the forest

floor with its high water infiltration rates offer

several ways to dispose of stormwater at Andrews

Park. Andrews is a low maintenance, low energy-use

park compared to the high energy levels to maintain

Wilson Park. The removal of all leaves, twigs, and

fallen logs at Wilson Park means that nutrients are

being removed from the site annually; this will

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 7

Figure 18. Fallen logs are left lying next to hiking trails and

on the forest floor to enhance natural decay and nutrient

cycling. Photo by Eliana Kampf Binelli

Figure 19. Signs are utilized to educate people about the

park's ecosystems. Photo by Larry Korhnak

Figure 20. By using a checklist we can estimate the

benefits for any area within the urban forest ecosystem.

This checklist compares the ecological benefits of Wilson

and Andrews parks.

contribute to impoverishment of the site over time.

In addition, organic matter will not be present in the

soil to aid in water and nutrient retention. This

interruption of the natural nutrient cycle can be

remedied easily by retaining fallen plant materials as

in Andrews Park.

And finally, the Socio-Economic category of

benefits. Parks, greenways and natural areas

contribute to the economic health of a community.

For example, before the construction of the Pinellas

Trail (greenway), the city of Dunedin, FL had a 50%

occupancy rate and now with the new greenway,

there are no vacancies (Department of

Environmental Protection 1996). People come or

stay to recreate in communities; wildlife watching

alone generates $18.1 billion in the nation (Caudill

1997). Real estate prices are enhanced with the

presence of natural areas, parks and trees. The

improved psychological well-being of the citizens in

a community or neighborhood with parks and trees

has also been documented (Schroeder and Lewis

1991). People viewing trees have slower heartbeats,

lower blood pressure, and more relaxed brain wave

patterns than people viewing urban areas without

vegetation (Ulrich 1981).

It can be very advantageous to quantify costs

and benefits for maintaining or restoring areas. In

addition to stormwater and energy conservation cost

reductions, other less tangible benefits such as health

and recreation can be demonstrated. Recreational

studies have shown that citizens often prefer

recreating in parks near their homes, emphasizing the

importance of community parks (Schroeder 1990).

In Chicago, 50% of all the people visiting forest

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 8

preserves traveled 10 minutes or less from their

homes (Young and Flowers 1982). In 1996, 2.7

million Floridians participated in wildlife

recreational activities within a mile of their homes

(Florida Game and Fresh Water Fish Commission

1998). It is very important for urban foresters to

demonstrate to their city councils and managing

agencies the importance of parks and trees as

infrastructure in their communities.

Where can We Restore?

The options for restoration sites and projects in

cities and communities are endless. Here are a few:

• Yards can be enhanced with native species or

even native ecosystems (Figure 21).

• Vacant lots, often ignored or treated poorly for

many years, are often candidates for restoration.

• The possibilities for better energy conservation

and stormwater management in shopping center

parking lots are great (Figure 22).

• Street trees, aging or lacking diversity, can be

restored.

• Schoolyards can become natural areas with

unlimited potential as educational areas.

• Industrials parks can be transformed.

• Waterways can be enhanced and connected to

support recreational and hydrological benefits

(Figure 23).

Figure 21. Yards can be enhanced with native species or

even native ecosystems. Instead of a typical

mono-species hedge or a fence, this area between two

neighbors has been restored and planted with native

species.

Figure 22. The possibilities for better energy conservation

and stormwater management in shopping center parking

lots are great.

Figure 23. Waterways such as this creek can be

enhanced with native species and connected to support

recreational and hydrological benefits.

Examples of Sucessful Projects

One objective of this CD-ROM was to find and

showcase successful restoration projects in the U.S.

We have been overwhelmed with the variety and the

high quality of projects being implemented

throughout our cities and communities. There is a

tremendous amount of creativity, ingenuity, and hard

work going into these projects. The high quality and

success are due to the amount of effort by so many

talented people ranging from young children to

funding agency personnel to natural resource

managers and community development

professionals. Partnerships are a common ingredient

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 9

of these projects. As you can see the variety

illustrates the imagination involved and the potential

for even more new projects in other communities.

The Forest Park Ivy Removal Project in

Portland

Sandy Diedrich saw a problem in her

neighborhood park and decided to take the lead in

trying to remedy it. Forest Park, is a 5,000 acre urban

park in Portland, Oregon -- one of the largest urban

forested parks in the country. It has 70 miles of trails

and 30 miles of creeks and tributaries. But it also has

English ivy, a common landscaping plant, which has

invaded the park, covering the native understory

plants and trees, and reducing the biodiversity in the

forest. Controlling the ivy is a challenge - because it

is so mixed with the native plants, herbicides are not

feasible. Instead manual control is necessary (Figure

24). In 1993, Sandy started a program with

volunteers, specifically with high school students

(Figure 25). She developed workshops and

workdays when citizens would come to help. In

addition to eradicating the ivy in the park, the

workshops taught nearby residents methods for ivy

control in their yards - the source of the ivy in the

park (Figure 26). Through their work with this

project, the high school students learned about the

basic ecology of the park, working together as a

team, and the importance of environmental projects

in the community. Alex Johnson, a high school

student and crew leader, noted that, "It's a chance to

make a difference. I've never known about the forest

and here I've learned a lot about nature."

Figure 24. Crew leaders demonstrate ivy removal

methods.

Figure 25. Sandy Driedrich (center) with the crew leaders

(Bruno Precciozzi, Kristin Harman, Alex Johnson, and

Heidi Dragoo) in the headquarters of the Forest Park Ivy

Removal Project.

Figure 26. Standing in front of an area where ivy has been

removed and the forest's natural biodiversity is returning.

Drew Gardens in New York

Ray Emanuel and several others in the Bronx,

New York identified a site in their community that

had potential to be restored. The site was a vacant lot

located next to a school; for years this lot was used

for dumping and even criminal activities. Their goal

was to transform the space into a park for the

community and the school children. This

community-driven initiative including corporations,

the Urban Resources Partnership, and the community

began with planning and clean-up of the site. Fall

clean-ups and spring festivals involve the community

and corporate volunteers. High school students work

at the gardens and this work program is part of a job

protocol educational program (Figure 27). Several

high school classes utilize the gardens for their

instruction including art, language arts (especially

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 10

writing), and science classes. Ecology Days at the

gardens include stations where participants can learn

about subjects such as water testing of the Bronx

River, composting, small wildlife, and edible wild

plants (Figure 28).

Figure 27. A vacant lot located next to a school in New

York was transformed into a park for the community and

the school children.

Figure 28. Included in this new park, named Drew

Gardens, are trails and a deck to view the Bronx River.

Apex Park in Tampa

Apex Park is on Davis Island, a small island in

Tampa. It is the first thing you see after you cross the

bridge to the island. And the residents wanted the

first impression to be the best. So they approached

Steve Graham, Tampa's urban forester for assistance

in restoring the site, a small piece of land about an

acre in size. After researching old photos and

documents and some remnant ecosystems in the area,

they arrived at a list of plants that would have made

up the ecosystem before development of the island

(Figure 29). They were delighted to find one grass,

twisted fiddle leaf, that was endangered and found

some specimens still remaining on the island (Figure

30). They planted a small area with native tree and

shrub species including twisted fiddleleaf. The other

small part of the park was landscaped with grass to

showcase and allow viewing of the native ecosystem

(Figure 31). The park has kindled interest among

residents in native species and several people have

landscaped their yards with many of these species.

Figure 29. With the help of Steve Graham, Tampa's urban

forester, the community of Davis Island restored native

plants at Apex Park.

Figure 30. One plant, twisted fiddleleaf, was endangered

so the community collected specimens and planted it at

the park.

Landscaping for Wildlife

An educational program developed by the

Florida Cooperative Extension Service has given

homeowners the knowledge and tools for

landscaping their backyards and small urban lots for

wildlife using ecological principles (Figure 32).

Workshops are aided by the inclusion of a

participant's guide, instructor's guide and videos

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 11

Figure 31. The other part of the park was landscaped with

grass to showcase and allow viewing of the native

ecosystem.

developed by extension specialists. The first of three

modules entitled "Landscaping for Wildlife:

Providing Food in Your Yard" demonstrates how to

restore a remnant of native landscape, start a

bird-feeding program, control squirrels, plant a wild

bird food plot, and feed hummingbirds and

butterflies. The second module enables participants

to select plants to provide good wildlife cover

including bird and bat houses, burrows for toads and

other small mammals, treefrog houses, rock piles for

lizards and snakes and brush piles for birds and

rabbits (Figure 33). The third module highlights the

importance of the third wildlife requirement - water.

Figure 32. In the Landscaping for Wildlife program,

homeowners learn how to enhance wildlife habitat in their

backyards. Photo by Joe Schaefer

Figure 33. The second module enables participants to

select plants to provide good wildlife cover including bird

and bat houses, burrows for toads and other small

mammals, treefrog houses, rock piles for lizards and

snakes and brush piles for birds and rabbits. Photo by Joe

Schaefer

Naturescaping For Clean Rivers

Landscaping your backyard can have a positive

impact on the environment. That's the theme for

Portland's Naturescaping For Clean Rivers project

(Figures 34 and 35). "Rainwater runoff, or

stormwater, becomes a problem in urban areas

because of the thousands of acres of impervious

surface: roofs, roads, driveways, and parking lots,"

notes the project workbook. This runoff contains

contaminants such as oils, metals, and chemicals.

The goal of naturescaping is to improve the quality

and reduce the quantity of water reaching storm

drains. Workshops teach homeowners how to

landscape with native plants which require much less

water, fertilizers, mowing, and chemicals to maintain

(Figures 36 and 37). Other classes include

composting, attracting wildlife and reducing

pesticide use. Neighbors work together to host

workshops in their communities; all workshop

participants receive project workbooks which help

them develop an action plan for their yard.

Restoring Fire In Haile Plantation

A neighborhood in Gainesville, Florida wanted

to restore the native longleaf pine ecosystem as well

as reduce the fire hazard for their homes. In the past,

fire was a natural disturbance in Florida longleaf pine

ecosystems. Yet, development as well as new forest

practices have excluded fire from many of Florida's

ecosystems. The neighborhood decided to re-instate

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 12

Figure 34. In the Naturescaping for Clean Rivers program

homeowners learn how to landscape with native plants

which require much less water, fertilizers, mowing, and

chemicals to maintain. Here a backyard is prepared for

planting. Photo by Linda Robinson

Figure 35. The backyard is transformed into an energy

and water efficient native landscape. Photo by Linda

Robinson

Figure 36. Native wildflowers adorn a "naturescaped"

backyard. Photo by Linda Robinson

Figure 37. Butterfly gardens are a popular part of the

Naturescaping program. Photo by Linda Robinson

this natural ecological process to the small patches of

forest in their community (Figure 38). Fires reduce

the competing hardwoods allowing longleaf pine to

regenerate and become reestablished in the

ecosystem (Figure 39). Educational signs are a big

part of the program.

Figure 38. A neighborhood in Gainesville, Florida has

brought fire in as a management tool to restore the native

longleaf pine ecosystem as well as reduce the fire hazard

for their homes. Photo by Eliana Kampf Binelli

Greening the Great River Park

The Mississippi River, as with most rivers in the

world, became a center of industry and shipping as

St. Paul, Minnesota became a prosperous city. But

often as with most industrial areas the native forests

along the river were destroyed and replaced with

industrial buildings, pavement, and warehouses. The

Greening the Great River Park Program, established

in 1995, seeks to restore many of these areas along

the River (Figures 40 and 41). This public-private

partnership includes The Saint Paul Foundation, City

of St. Paul and others including thousands of

volunteer and over 240 partner organizations. The

project involves the landscaping of over 100 private

industrial lands with the four native plant ecosystems

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 13

Figure 39. Fires reduce the competing hardwoods

allowing longleaf pine to regenerate and become

reestablished in the ecosystem.

including 30,000 trees and shrubs that occupied the

area in the past. "Our goal is to have a 50% canopy

cover throughout the valley. In 20 to 25 years, as the

trees reach mature heights, we want the valley to

look as though the buildings were placed in a forest

rather than some trees were planted around

buildings."

Figure 40. The Greening the Great River Park Program,

established in 1995, seeks to restore many sites in

industrial areas along the River. This shows an industrial

site before restoration. Photo by Rob Buffler

Figure 41. Over 100 private industrial lands have been

landscaped and planted with four native plant

ecosystems. This shows the same site after restoration.

Photo by Rob Buffler

A Community Park in New York City

A one-acre lot used as a bus garage for many

years and next to three schools was the site for the

birth of a community park in New York City. The

planning began in 1990 with meetings involving the

whole community - city agencies, non-profit

organizations (headed by "Open Road"), students,

businesses, neighbors and more. The grass-roots

park design includes a greenhouse, basketball area,

nature pond with plantings, wildlife area, and

playground (Figures 42). To restore this "brown

field" site the area needed to be lined with plastic and

new soil needed to be imported. However, the group

including professional engineers and school children,

decided to develop a composting system and produce

compost from nearby businesses to produce the

"soil." The newly invented composting system is

now sought by many other communities in New

York. School classes using the park range from

science and gardening to energy and physics to

poetry and art. A math class, for example, helped

design the greenhouse. Paula Hewitt, the project

creator and Open Road Director, emphasizes that

"the purpose of the park is to be educational, yet we

have a very relaxed, fun atmosphere" (Figures 43

and 44). The park is open to the community every

day of the year.

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 14

Figure 42. The planning for this community park in New

York City began in 1990 with meetings involving the whole

community - city agencies, non-profit organizations

(headed by "Open Road"), students, businesses,

neighbors and more. The grass-roots park design

includes a greenhouse, basketball area, nature pond with

plantings, wildlife area, and playground.

Figure 43. Paula Hewitt, the community organizer, looks

for turtles and fish in the park's pond with neighborhood

kids.

Figure 44. Gerald Brinson, who started as a volunteer for

the park and is now part of the staff, describes the new

dock project with flowing water that he is constructing.

Bill Baggs Park

In 1991 Hurricane Andrew struck Miami and its

surrounding communities including Key Biscayne.

Bill Baggs Park which until that time was mostly

occupied with an invasive tree, Australian pine, was

completely destroyed (Figure 45).

Figure 45. In 1991 when Hurricane Andrew struck south

Florida, the non-native Australian pine forest at Bill Baggs

Park on Key Biscayne was completely destroyed.

The nearly clean slate provided an opportunity

and several visionaries saw that it was a possible

chance to restore the park. With partnering between

federal, state, county, city and many non-profit

groups, a proposal and plan was developed to

re-create the park to the way it was 100 years ago.

They researched the five native ecosystems including

four wetland areas that had occupied the site

(Figures 46 and 47).

Historical and recreational amenities were also

considered - for example, without the shade of the

previous forest, nine picnic shelters needed to be

constructed (Figure 48). Cultural history including

archaeological findings were incorporated into the

plan (Figure 49). The ecosystems were restored and

future invasions of non-native plants were monitored

by volunteers. Educational displays were important

to inform the public about the process of restoration

as well as the diversity of the "new" ecosystems

(Figures 50 and 51).

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 15

Figure 46. With partnering between federal, state, county,

city and many non-profit groups, a restoration proposal

and plan was developed to restore the park with the five

native ecosystems that it had 100 years ago. Old

documents were studied to carefully re-create and map

the ecosystems.

Figure 47. The coastal strand ecosystem three years after

planting shows the restoration success.

Figure 48. The shade that had been removed with the

Australian pine tree canopy had to be replaced with

several picnic shelters.

Figure 49. The historical, cultural, and archaelogical

significance of the site such as this 1825 lighthouse with

restored lighthouse-keeper's house was an important part

of the restoration plan.

Figure 50. Involving the park's neighbors and the

community in all the stages was very important to the

restoration success. Nearby condominiums can be seen

from the restored south Florida slash pine ecosystem.

Streamside Restoration in Virginia

The Difficult Run Watershed in Virginia has

over one-half million acres of forests and urban

communities. Nonpoint source pollution is affecting

the water quality of the Difficult Run River and

downstream the Potomac River and Chesapeake

Bay. This restoration project is a partnership with

the Virginia Department of Forestry, Environmental

Protection Agency, Virginia Department of

Conservation and Recreation, Chesapeake Bay

Foundation and the USDA Forest Service. Together

they are striving to:

• Improve water quality by enhancing and

restoring streamside forests.

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 16

Figure 51. Educational displays were important to inform

the public about the process of restoration as well as the

diversity of the "new" ecosystems such as the mangroves

along the ocean and bay.

• Increase public awareness and education

regarding the value of riparian forests.

• Improve fish and wildlife habitat (Figure 52).

Over 8,000 trees have been planted to reestablish

riparian buffers or streamside forests to restore and

maintain this important watershed.

Figure 52. The Difficult Run Watershed Project restores

streamside forests which act as buffers to protect water

quality and fish and wildlife habitat in riparian ecosystems.

Photo by Judy Okay

The Two Key Ingredients

These projects have been very successful

because they all had two key ingredients. First, the

people. All projects became an essential part of the

community because they involved the people in the

community from the start and then in every step.

People included all stakeholders such as citizens (all

ages), businesses, non-profit groups, volunteers, and

government agencies. Collectively these people put

together the second key ingredient to success - a

plan. As you will see in Chapter 5, the successful

restoration plan contains a vision, goal, objectives,

action plans and evaluation tools. Well-developed

plans demonstrate the need for the project and are

used to seek public and financial support. These

plans are usually very effective at obtaining funding

and other in-kind support. Successful projects have

support of the people and a well laid-out plan (Figure

53).

Figure 53. Successful restoration projects have two key

ingredients - support of the people and a well laid-out plan.

Conclusions

There are many options for restoring ecological

benefits in your community. It is important to

consider the whole city or community as an

ecosystem and then to focus in on parcels or projects

that could benefit that ecosystem or landscape as a

whole. Restoration projects can be as small as

Chapter 1: Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem: An Introduction 17

backyards to parking lots, city streets, parks,

waterways and any place where there are or could be

trees. Most often it's important to start with a small

manageable project. The United States hosts an

abundance of successful and innovative urban forest

restoration projects. The Bronx's Drew Park brought

life back to a vacant lot next to a school. Portland's

Ivy Project removed invasive ivy at the 5,000 acre

Forest Park. Greening the Great Green River is

restoring industrial parks along the Mississippi

River. The possibilities for restoration projects are

unlimited and up to the imagination and energy of

people (Figure 54). Planning and involving the

community - the stakeholders - are the two most

important ingredients for success.

Figure 54. The possibilities for restoration projects are

unlimited and up to the imagination and energy of people.

Literature Cited

Caudill, A. 1997. 1991 National impacts of non

consumptive wildlife related recreation. Div. of

Economics. US Fish and Wildlife Service.

Arlington. 8 p.

National Research Council. 1992. Restoration

of aquatic ecosystems: science, technology, and

public policy. Committee on Restoration of Aquatic

Ecosystems - Science, Technology and Public Policy,

Water Science and Technology Board, Commission

on Geosciences, Environment, and Resources.

National Academy Press. Washington, D.C. 552 p.

Florida Department of Environmental

Protection. 1996. Environmental Benefits of

Greenways Summary Sheet. 2 p.

Schroeder, H. 1990. Perceptions and

preferences of urban forest users. Journal of

Arboriculture 16(3):58-61.

Schroeder, H. and C. Lewis. 1991.

Psychological benefits and costs of urban forests.

Pages 66-68 In: Proceedings of the Fifth National

Urban Forest Conference. Los Angeles, CA.

Ulrich, R.S. 1981. Natural versus urban scenes:

Some psychophysiological effects. Environment and

Behavior. 13:523-556.

Young, R.A. and M.L. Flowers. 1982. Users of

an urban natural area: their characteristics, use

patterns, satisfactions, and recommendations.

University of Illinois, Department of Forestry,

Forestry Research Report 82-4.

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration1

Mary L. Duryea, Eliana Kämpf Binelli, and Henry L. Gholz2

1. This is Chapter 2 in SW-140, "Restoring the Urban Forest Ecosystem", a CD-ROM (M.L. Duryea, E. Kampf Binelli, and L.V. Korhnak, Eds.) produced by

the School of Forest Resources and Conservation, Florida Cooperative Extension Service, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, University of

Florida. Publication date: June 2000. Please visit the EDIS Web site at http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu

2. Mary L. Duryea, Professor and Extension Forester, Eliana Kämpf Binelli, Extension Forester, and Henry L. Gholz, Professor, School of Forest Resources

and Conservation, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, University of Florida, PO Box 110410, Gainesville, FL 32611

The Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences is an equal opportunity/affirmative action employer authorized to provide research, educational

information and other services only to individuals and institutions that function without regard to race, color, sex, age, handicap, or national origin.

For information on obtaining other extension publications, contact your county Cooperative Extension Service office. Florida Cooperative

Extension Service/Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences/University of Florida/Christine Taylor Waddill, Dean.

Abstract

Traditionally the urban forest has been viewed

as trees in the city - often along streets and in small

groups in other public places such as parks.

However, another way to look at the urban forest is

as an ecosystem, including many more living

components than trees (people, shrubs, herbs,

animals, microorganisms), a physical environment

(light, moisture, soil, rocks), energy flow from the

sun and water and nutrient cycles. A first step in

reorienting our view of urban forests and their

management is to review some important ecological

principles and to see how they apply to restoration

and management. The goal of this chapter is to

examine urban forests as ecosystems and to discuss

some of the opportunities for managing urban forest

ecosystems to provide more natural benefits to

communities and cities. By comparing the present

state of the urban forest ecosystem (UFE) to natural

ecosystems, we can learn how to manage the UFE for

some of the natural benefits it can provide. These

include energy conservation, stormwater

management, wildlife conservation, and recycling or

solid waste management. The urban forest

ecosystem is an open system with energy and

materials constantly entering and leaving the system.

Producers (mainly green plants) and consumers

(organisms dependent on living and dead plant and

animal matter) make up the living portion of all

ecosystems which are linked together in complex

networks called food webs. Cities are largely

consumers relying on production of food, energy and

natural resource from outer agricultural, forested and

other natural areas. The urban forest ecosystem can

provide many opportunities for ameliorating the

drain and stress on our natural resources. For

example, by cooling the city with a forest canopy, we

are less dependent on outside natural resources for

air conditioning. By providing natural areas for

water infiltration, storage and evaporation of

rainwater, the waste water from our streets and other

impervious surfaces is reduced. When leaves,

branches, and grass-clippings are left on-site instead

of being removed, these natural materials sustain the

natural nutrient cycle and provide the same benefits

that we ascribe to mulches in gardens and landscapes.

Urban forests can also help reduce atmospheric CO2

build-up in two ways by reducing fossil fuel (energy)

use and by increasing carbon storage. Finally, the

UFE can provide wildlife habitat and help with the

movement and conservation of some organisms

through connectivity. Seven guidelines to restore and

manage the urban forest ecosystem are: (1) Restore

and manage the UFE to decrease consumption and

contribute to conservation; (2) Restore and manage

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 2

the UFE for its water cycling benefits; (3) Restore

and manage the nutrient cycle within the UFE:; (4)

Restore and manage the UFE to support greater

biodiversity; (5) Restore natural forest ecosystems in

the city; (6) Educate policy makers, city managers

and the public about the benefits of a healthy UFE;

and (7) Incorporate UFE management and

restoration into urban and regional planning.

Introduction

Traditionally the urban forest has been viewed

as trees in the city - often along streets and in small

groups in other public places such as parks (Figure

1). Managing these trees has included inventorying

the tree population and assessing their health. We

have cultured and managed them mostly as

individuals, and this is called arboriculture.

However, another way to look at urban forests is as

ecosystems, with many more components (people,

animals, microorganisms), a physical environment

(sidewalks, soil, rocks), energy flow (sun) and

processes (water, nutrient cycles) (Figure 2). This

ecological perspective is more comprehensive,

incorporating biological, physical, chemical and

social components. This approach offers a great

opportunity to enhance the environmental benefits of

forests in urban areas. The environmental benefits

gained from a healthy urban forest ecosystem (UFE)

include energy savings, reduction of waste and

stormwater costs, water quality improvement,

increased recreational opportunities and enhanced

wildlife and biodiversity conservation. With this

outlook we also have the additional opportunity to

think in the long-term and to consider the urban

forest as part of the larger landscape.

Figure 1. Traditionally the urban forest has been viewed

as trees in the city - often along streets and in small groups

in other public places such as parks.

A first step in reorienting our view of urban

forests and their management is to review some

important ecological principles and to see how they

apply to restoration and management. The goal of

this chapter is to examine urban forests as ecosystems

and to discuss some of the opportunities for

managing urban forest ecosystems to provide more

natural benefits to communities and cities.

Figure 2. Another way to look at the urban forest is as an

ecosystem with many more components (people, animals,

microorganisms), a physical environment (sidewalks, soil,

rocks), energy flow (sun) and processes (water, nutrient

cycles).

The Urban Forest As An Ecosystem

An urban forest ecosystem (UFE) is a collection

of living matter (plants, animals, people, insects,

microbes) and nonliving matter (soil, rocks and dead

organic matter) through which there is a cycling of

nutrients and water and a flow of energy from the

sun. Based on this definition the UFE represents not

only the trees but also the other components

(including humans, microbes, wildlife and the

physical environment) and the interaction of these

components.

What are the boundaries of a UFE? We can

consider UFEs to be the whole city or smaller parcels

within the city. The boundaries of the UFE depend

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 3

on the nature and scope of our management goals.

No matter what the boundaries of the ecosystem are,

each ecosystem is linked to other surrounding

ecosystems (Figure 3). As we noted above, urban

and rural ecosystems also overlap and interact to

form landscapes. All the ecosystems on earth

together form the biosphere, which contains all of the

life on earth.

Figure 3. We can consider the UFE to be the whole city or

smaller parcels within the city depending on our

management goals. The UFE is linked to other

surrounding ecosystems which together form the

landscape.

Why View the Urban Forest

Ecosystem as an Ecosystem?

Cities are part of what used to be rural

landscapes, most of them originally forested (Figure

4).

Figure 4. Cities are part of what used to be rural

landscapes. Here you can see the natural forest edges of

this small city. Photo by Hans Riekerk

By comparing the present state of the urban

ecosystem to natural ecosystems, we can learn how

to manage the UFE for some of the natural benefits it

can provide (Figure 5). These include energy

conservation, stormwater management, wildlife

conservation, and recycling or solid waste

management. Also, by taking an ecosystem view, we

can better understand the importance of the structure

and function of UFEs which may help solve local

problems such as flooding, and air and water

pollution. By focusing on urban ecosystem

management we can also contribute to solving larger

scale problems such as biodiversity conservation and

reduction of atmospheric CO2 concentrations.

Figure 5. By comparing the present state of the urban

ecosystem to natural ecosystems, we can learn how to

manage the UFE for some of the natural benefits it can

provide. Photo by Larry Korhnak

The Structure and Function of the

UFE

The UFE is an open system (in thermodynamic

terms) with materials and energy constantly entering

and leaving (Figure 6).

Energy from the sun is fixed by plant leaves in

the UFE. Some of the absorbed energy then flows

out of the ecosystem as heat, which warms the air

(Figure 7).

The rest of the absorbed solar energy is used to

evaporate or transpire water. Materials entering the

UFE may be in the form of nutrients (fertilizers),

water (in rainfall or irrigation), plants (new plantings

or seeds from invasive plants) or other forms of

non-solar energy, such as fossil fuels (Figure 8).

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 4

Figure 6. The urban forest ecosystem is an open system

with energy and materials constantly entering and leaving

the system.

Figure 7. Energy from the sun is fixed by plant leaves in

the UFE.

Figure 8. Fossil fuels are one of the materials entering the

UFE for management.

Forms of these same materials may leave the

UFE in runoff (storm water), with the wind (seeds)

or in trucks going to landfills (yard and solid waste)

with much converted to CO2 and heat (Figure 9).

Figure 9. Pruned branches and leaves are materials often

leaving the UFE to end up in landfills.

The UFE may have a very complex structure

with a variety of layers including a tree canopy, a

shrub understory, an herb layer and a litter layer. The

UFE is made up of living things, called biotic

components (living plants and animals) and

nonliving things, called abiotic components (soil, air,

nutrients, water, dead organic matter). Nutrients

(such as nitrogen, phosphorus and calcium) and

water cycle from the abiotic parts of the ecosystem

to the biotic parts and back again. These are called

nutrient and water cycling, respectively.

There are two major groups of the living things

in the UFE: (1) producers (also called autotrophs)

and (2) consumers (also called heterotrophs)

(Figures 10 and 11).

Producers, which are mainly green plants, take

light energy and store it through the process of

photosynthesis. Consumers cannot photosynthesize

but instead feed directly on the producers (i.e.,

herbivores) and other consumers (i.e., carnivores or

detritivores or decomposers). Consumers include

non-photosynthetic bacteria, fungi, and animals,

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 5

Figure 10. One of the two major groups of living things in

the UFE is producers (also called autotrophs).

Figure 11. The other major group of living things in the

UFE is consumers (also called heterotrophs) which cannot

photosynthesize but instead feed directly on the producers

(i.e., herbivores) and other consumers (i.e., carnivores and

decomposers).

including humans. Producers and consumers are

linked together in complex networks called food

webs (Figure 12). Food webs are important to

recognize in UFE management, because the

disruption or elimination of one part of the web may

impact other organisms and ecosystem functioning in

unexpected ways.

Figure 12. Producers (mainly green plants) and

consumers (organisms dependent on living and dead plant

and animal matter) are linked together in complex

networks called food webs.

Comparing Natural and Urban Ecosystems

Natural ecosystems have a balance of

production and consumption constantly operating. If

by chance the ecosystem produces more than it

consumes, the excess energy is stored as carbon (in

the wood of tree stems, peat in bogs, etc.). If a fire

or another disturbance lowers plant production, the

consumer populations will adapt accordingly. Cities,

on the other hand, are largely consumers relying on

production of food, energy and natural resources in

outer agricultural, forested and other natural areas

(Odum 1983) (Figure 13). Seldom do cities produce

these necessities within their perimeter in quantities

sufficient to support large numbers of people. At the

same time, cities must contend with the wastes that

are produced, often sending solid wastes and waste

water out of the city.

Figure 13. Cities rely on natural and domesticated

environments for resources. At the same time these cities

must contend with the wastes that are produced, often

sending solid wastes and waste water out of the city

(adapted from Odum 1983).

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 6

How Can the UFE Help?

The urban forest ecosystem can provide many

opportunities for ameliorating the drain and stress on

our natural resources. For example, by cooling the

city with a forest canopy, we are less dependent on

outside natural resources for air conditioning (Figure

14).

Figure 14. By cooling the city with a forest canopy, we are

less dependent on outside natural resources for air

conditioning. Photo by Hans Riekerk

By providing natural areas for water infiltration,

storage and evaporation of rainwater, the waste water

from our streets and other impervious surfaces is

reduced (Figure 15).

Figure 15. By providing natural areas for water infiltration,

storage and evaporation of rainwater, the waste water

from our streets and other impervious surfaces is reduced.

Photo by Larry Korhnak

By providing places for recreation, fewer people

will need to use fossil fuels to leave the city for their

nature experiences (Figure 16).

Figure 16. By providing places for recreation, fewer

people will need to use fossil fuels to leave the city for

their nature experiences. Photo by Larry Korhnak

By supporting, for example, water quality,

forest management, and growth management policies

for lands outside our cities, we will sustain our

natural and domesticated ecosystems. Infusing our

cities and communities with more urban forest

ecosystems will restore natural structure and

processes to our urban forests making us less

dependent on our limited natural resources outside

the city.

Characteristics of the UFE

The Urban Heat Island

Cities can reach temperatures 7o to 15o F higher

than in the surrounding rural ecosystems. This is

called the urban heat island effect (Figure 17).

Figure 17. A city is 7o to 15o F warmer than the

surrounding countryside. Adapted from Oke 1982.

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 7

Some of the reasons for this heat buildup are:

(1) cities generate heat from burning fossil fuels

(factories, cars, heating and air conditioning),

(2) city structures absorb and store solar heat

(especially dark surfaces such as asphalt roads and

dark roofs),

(3) through decreased vegetation and rapid

routing of rainwater to storm sewers, cities have

much less natural cooling due to the evaporation and

transpiration of water,

(4) air pollutants may slow the outflow of heat

away from urban surfaces, and

(5) cities usually have less air movement to take

heat out of the city (Lowry 1967; Oke 1982).

Large numbers of trees can reduce local air

temperatures by 1o to 9o F (McPherson 1994).

Evapotranspiration by trees lowers air temperatures

in two ways. First, when precipitation is intercepted

by trees and other plants, the evaporation of this

water cools the air. Secondly, trees constantly take

up water from the soil and lose water to the air. This

process, called transpiration, also lowers air

temperature. Therefore, the UFE can reduce heat

buildup in the city by storing less heat, using more of

the sun's energy for evaporative cooling, and shading

buildings and other surfaces so that they require less

fossil fuel energy for cooling (Figures 18 and 19).

Figure 18. The urban forest ecosystem through

evaporative cooling and shade can contribute to reducing

the temperatures in the urban heat island. This parking lot

is a contributor to high temperatures in the urban heat

island.

Figure 19. The urban forest ecosystem through

evaporative cooling and shade can contribute to reducing

the temperatures in the urban heat island. This parking lot

demonstrates trees properly placed to reduce temperature.

Nutrient Cycling in the UFE

Chemicals circulate from the plants and animals

to the soil and back again, as part of the nutrient

cycle (Figure 20). The health of plants in the

ecosystem is mainly dependent on the soil for its

source of nutrients. Dead organic matter in the soil,

also called detritus, is the long-term storage site for

essential nutrients. Decomposers (primarily

microrganisms) break down the detritus and release

the nutrients held in the organic matter into organic

forms that can be reused by plants, thus completing

the nutrient cycle. In the UFE, this cycle is often

disrupted or arrested because most of the dead

organic material such as lawn clippings, leaves,

branches, and logs are removed and hauled to landfill

sites or chipped for application to other sites. By

doing so, we are denying the UFE of a readily

recyclable source of fertilizers, which then must be

imported in the form of man-made fertilizers.

What happens when we remove these natural

materials from a backyard, a park, or a schoolyard in

the UFE?

• the soil may be exposed, resulting in erosion,

• plant roots may be exposed and desiccated or

damaged (Figure 21),

• fossil fuels are used to blow leaves, clean the

site and transport the yard waste to landfills or

compost piles (Figure 22),

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 8

Figure 20. Chemical elements in ecosystems circulate

from the plants and animals to the soil and back again, as

part of the nutrient cycle.

• the organic matter removed no longer helps the

moisture and nutrient holding capacity of the

soil,

• wildlife and other organisms that depend on

decaying wood or litter for habitat and/or food

cannot live in this neatly maintained

environment,

• precious plant nutrients are removed often

requiring fertilizer applications for replacement

(Figure 23),

• fertilizers, water, mulches, and pesticides

brought in to support and maintain this altered

system are manufactured at a great fossil fuel

cost.

Figure 21. When natural plant materials are removed from

a landscape, many plant roots may be exposed and

desiccated or damaged.

Figure 22. Many leaves and branches that could be piled

or spread (recycled) in a homeowner's landscape are

instead transported to landfills or urban compost piles.

Figure 23. Precious plant nutrients are removed from the

landscape either resulting in plant deficiencies or requiring

fertilizer applications.

Instead of using tremendous amounts of energy

to remove branches, leaves, and snags, we can utilize

these materials to sustain the health of the UFE.

These natural mulches can be recycled on-site for

free where they will serve as natural fertilizers.

When they remain on-site, these natural materials

provide all the benefits that we ascribe to mulches in

gardens and landscapes (Figure 24).

It is quite feasible to take advantage of natural

nutrient cycling processes in UFE, contributing in the

process to conservation (water, energy, and soil) and

improving the environment both locally and globally.

Landscapers need to change many ingrained

practices, such as leaving more dead plant materials

on the ground. Creating "natural" or "semi-natural"

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 9

Figure 24. When leaves, branches, and grass-clippings

are left on-site, these natural materials provide all the

benefits that we ascribe to mulches in gardens and

landscapes.

areas in parks, backyards and other appropriate sites

will have favorable results for nutrient cycling and

other UFE processes such as cycling.

Water Cycling in the Urban Forest

Water forms a critical link between the earth's

surface and the atmosphere. After water falls to earth

as rain (and in other forms), it flows downhill into

creeks or soaks into ground, entering the ground

water (Figure 25).

Figure 25. In the water cycle, water falls to the earth as

precipitation, enters the ground or flows as runoff to rivers,

lakes and the ocean, and is taken up (used) by plants and

other organisms. By evaporation from vegetation, land

and bodies of water, water re-enters the atmosphere to

begin the cycle once again.

Water in creeks flows into rivers, lakes and

finally the ocean. Water reenters the atmosphere by

evaporation from the land and sea and and by

evaporation and transpiration from vegetation (see

Chapter 6 - The Hydrological Cycle). In the UFE,

impervious surfaces such as buildings, paved streets

and parking lots interrupt this water cycle by

collecting the water and channeling it into sewers,

canals and other structures.

The consequences of interrupting the natural

water cycle include:

1. decreased infiltration of water into soil,

2. more runoff, which must then be managed and

accomodated,

3. decreased water quality as pesticides, fertilizers

and other polluants are concentrated in the

collected runoff,

4. erosion of unprotected soils and

5. less evaporation of water with its associated

cooling effect.

How does the UFE help restore the water cycle?

First, vegetation in the UFE intercepts rainfall and

evaporation of this water helps cool the city. Second,

soils absorb water; then it is either taken up by plants

or percolates to the water table or creeks instead of

running into storm sewers. The result is lower

stormwater treatment costs and less flooding

potential in the city (Figures 26 and 27).

Figure 26. In the city, impervious surfaces such as

buildings, paved streets and parking lots interrupt the

water cycle by collecting the water and channeling it into

sewers, canals and other structures. Photo by Larry

Korhnak

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 10

Also, if soils are protected with mulches and

plants, less erosion will result in less sediment

entering the water. Wetlands also serve as storage

areas for water. Restoring and managing wetlands in

cities will lower the rate and volume of stormwater

runoff, control floods and erosion and help purify

water that will reach the water table. For example,

after storm in Dayton, Ohio the existing urban forest

reduced runoff by 7%. A slight increase in the urban

forest canopy could reduce runoff by 12% (Sanders

1984).

Figure 27. Soils in the UFE absorb water; then it is either

taken up by plants or percolates to the water table or

creeks instead of running into storm sewers. Photo by

Larry Korhnak

Educating policy makers, city managers and the

public about the benefits of vegetation in the UFE

and cost-saving potential is essential to more efective

management of the water cycle. For further

discussion on the water cycle, see Chapter 6- The

Hydrological Cycle.

Carbon Storage and Sequestering by UFEs

Carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere is

increasing globally and is the principal contributor to

the expected increase in the greenhouse effect

(global warming). The two main sources of CO2 are

the burning of fossil fuels and deforestation

(Houghton et al. 1996). Trees, litter, soil and organic

matter all store carbon (C). Since organic matter

contains 50% C, the more biomass (plant and animal

matter) on the earth, the less CO2 in the atmosphere.

In an ecosystem, carbon is taken in as CO2 in

the process of photosynthesis (Figure 28). Carbon is

either stored as living or dead plant material or

consumed by other organisms in the food web. CO2

is also given off during respiration. Forests can store

much greater amounts of C in the vegetation and

soils than any other type of ecosystem on earth due

mainly to the relatively massive storage in tree stems.

Figure 28. In an ecosystem carbon is taken in as CO

2

in

the process of photosynthesis. Carbon is either stored as

living or dead plant material or consumed by other

organisms in the food web. CO

2

is also given off during

respiration.

Can the UFE help to store more carbon? Forests

store carbon in their plants, roots, forest litter and

animals. One urban study estimated that the 69

million acres of urban forest in the U.S., with an

average of 28% canopy cover, store annually a net

6.5 million tons of C (Rowntree and Nowak 1991).

However, the whole world puts out 5.4 billion tons C

per year (deforestation alone accounts for 1.6 billion

tons) (Sundquist 1993). Urban forests in the USA

therefore currently only remove 0.1% of the output.

Even though urban forests are not likely to be better

managed just for C sequestration, it is important to

recognize that C sequestration by the UFE is an

additional benefit, albeit small.

To summarize, the UFE can contribute to reduce

atmospheric CO2 in two ways: First, by reducing

fossil fuel (energy) use in the cities (Figure 29);

Second, by increasing C storage from planting and

managing trees especially in cities where tree cover

is currently low.

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 11

Figure 29. The UFE can contribute to reduce atmospheric

CO

2

by reducing fossil fuel (energy) use in the cities.

Wildlife in the UFE

Urbanization and urban sprawl have resulted in

habitat loss, highly fragmented forests, drained

wetlands and disrupted migration routes for wildlife.

Also, in many situations wildlife is dependent upon

two or more ecosystems, and these may not be

available. A forest fragment is a small parcel

separated from the larger forest (see also Chapter 3

- Biodiversity). In the UFE, forest fragments often

become small parks or undeveloped and often

degraded land. These fragments may be too small or

too distant to support many wildlife species

characteristic of natural areas. However, by

connecting some smaller fragments, larger

ecosystems can be simulated and some migration

routes and habitats restored (Figures 30 and 31). For

further discussion on wildlife, see Chapter 8 -

Wildlife.

Figure 30. This creek outside of a small city is connected

to a wetland inside the city allowing migration of some

wildlife species. Photo by Hans Riekerk

Figure 31. By connecting some smaller fragments, larger

ecosystems can be simulated and some migration routes

and habitats for wildlife may be restored. Photo by Larry

Korhnak

Biodiversity

Until recently, efforts in biological conservation

have largely focused on preservation and protection

of individual species, subspecies and populations,

through the implementation of the Endangered

Species Act. However, scientists and practitioners

are realizing today that this has not always been

successful or even possible, and that many other

species have been ignored as a result. More recently

there is a greater focus on ecosystem management

with the idea that by managing and restoring whole

ecosystems, biodiversity and whole food webs, as

well as individual species, may be better protected.

Urban forests, which range from highly degraded

woodlots to monocultures of exotic trees to

semi-natural ecosystems, may play an important role

in managing for biodiversity. Although urban forests

cannot be expected to support all species groups (for

example large mammals or other wide-ranging

animals), if effectively managed, they can provide

habitat at a smaller scale, increase the effectiveness

of larger nearby reserves, and help with the

movement and conservation of some organisms

through enhanced connectivity (Figure 32).

Thus urban forests can be "stepping stones

between ecosystems" (Franklin 1993) (Figure 33).

At a smaller scale, biodiversity can also be restored

by enhancing the ecosystem's natural structure,

creating multi-age ecosystems in several stages of

succession, controlling invasive plant and animal

species, leaving stumps, leaves, snags and logs to

Chapter 2: Basic Ecological Principles for Restoration 12

Figure 32. Although urban forests cannot be expected to

support all species groups (for example large mammals or

other wide-ranging animals), if effectively managed, they

can provide habitat at a smaller scale, increase the

effectiveness of larger nearby reserves, and help with the

movement and conservation of some organisms through

enhanced connectivity. A corridor of forest provides this

connectivity. Photo by Henry Gholz.

improve nutrient cycling and for wildlife and by

planting native species that mimic composition of

nearby ecosystems. (For further discussion, see

Chapters 3 - Biodiversity, 4 - Plant Succession and

Disturbances, and 9 - Invasive Plants.)

Figure 33. Urban forests can be "stepping stones

between ecosystems" (Franklin 1993).

Opportunities for Restoring and

Managing the UFE More

Ecologically

How can we restore and manage the urban forest

ecosystem? We propose the following seven

guidelines:

Restore and manage the UFE to decrease

consumption and contribute to conservation:

• Take advantage of natural nutrient cycling

by leaving grass clippings, leaves, branches

and logs on the ground and thereby reduce

the tremendous amount of energy expended

to remove plant materials from the

landscape.

• Plant and maintain trees around buildings

to reduce energy consumption for cooling

and heating.

• Save energy used for stormwater

management by increasing areas within the

UFE for water infiltration and evaporation.

• Manage the UFE to encourage recreation

in the city, thereby decreasing energy

consumption for travel to distant recreation

sites.

• Plant tree species that are adapted to local

conditions and require only natural rainfall

(after establishment) to save water and